Resolution Adopted by the CCAR

PROTECTING MINORITY RIGHTS AND THE FILIBUSTER IN THE U.S. SENATE

Adopted by the 116th Annual Convention

of the Central Conference of American Rabbis

Houston, TX

March, 2005

Background

According to the Shulchan Aruch, there are seven qualities that judges should possess: wisdom, humility, fear of God, disdain for ill-gotten money, love for the truth, esteem of their fellow men and a good reputation. (Hoshen Mishpat 7) Further, "a judge should be deliberate in arriving at his decision. He should think the matter through thoroughly and should render his decision only when it is perfectly clear to him. He should not act with undue haste." (Hoshen Mishpat 10).

Jewish law outlines very specific guidelines for judicial qualifications in order to preserve the respect and credibility necessary for the court to maintain its integrity and the vital role it fills in society. Similarly, those empowered to select judges are obligated to choose wisely: "One who appoints a judge who is not worthy, or who is not wise in the knowledge of Torah or who is ineligible to be a judge, transgresses the negative commandment .You shall not respect persons in judgment. (Deut. 1:17)" (Hoshen Mishpat 8).

The current debate in the U.S. Senate regarding the use of the filibuster arose over these very concerns. The leadership of the U.S. Senate has proposed that Rule XXII of the Standing Rules of the Senate be amended to prohibit filibusters on judicial nominees, including those to the Supreme Court. Frustrated that the minority has successfully used the filibuster to prevent confirmation votes on 10 federal court nominees in the 108^th Congress, the Majority Leader has suggested that it is unconstitutional to employ the filibuster against judicial nominees.

The filibuster has been employed since the first Congress and reflects the Senate.s traditional concern for the minority. Article I, Section 5 of the U.S. Constitution grants the Senate the power to "determine the rules of its proceedings." Rule XXII sets up the process for ending filibusters through a cloture vote requiring a supermajority of three-fifths or 60 votes to shut off debate. Prior to 1975, cloture required a two-thirds vote.

The CCAR opposed the abuse of the filibuster in the 1950.s when it was used by legislators to prevent the passage of civil rights laws and bar equal rights to all citizens. Since that time, the bar for cloture has been lowered, reducing misuse of this procedural tactic. In the current environment, the filibuster is a critical tool for those who would uphold judicial standards, prevent "court packing" and bar the most extreme jurists from the federal judiciary.

In the 108^th Congress, where over 200 federal court nominees were confirmed, the Senate minority utilized the filibuster to prevent confirmation of only ten nominees who were deemed, based on their records and views, out of the mainstream of American jurisprudence. Some of these nominees were opposed by the Union for Reform Judaism and the Central Conference of American Rabbis based on their opposition to reproductive rights, church-state separation, and other core principles of concern to the Reform Movement.

Concern about the proposed restriction on the filibuster crosses political and ideological lines. According to George Will, in a December 6, 2004 Newsweek column: "The filibuster is an important defense of minority rights, enabling democratic governments to measure and respect not merely numbers but also intensity in public controversies."

Eliminating the filibuster as a procedural recourse for the minority in confirmations of individuals to life-time seats on the federal courts threatens to result in court-packing by the majority party. In addition, it may prove the slippery slope that could result in the end of the filibuster altogether.

Therefore, the Central Conference of American Rabbis resolves to:

Resolution Adopted by the CCAR

POVERTY IN ISRAEL

Adopted by the 116th Annual Convention

of the Central Conference of American Rabbis

Houston, TX

March, 2005

Background

The task of Tikkun Olam, repairing the world, is of paramount importance to us as Reform Jews, both in North America and abroad, including in Israel.  In the Principles adopted in Pittsburgh in 1999, the CCAR stated that it is committed “to a vision of the State of Israel that promotes full civil, human and religious rights for all its inhabitants."  Earlier, in the Centenary Platform on Reform Judaism and Zionism, adopted in 1997, we affirmed that Israel is a state, “unlike all other states. Its obligation is to strive towards the attainment of the Jewish people’s highest moral ideals. . . .”

Yet today, more than 20% of Israelis live below the poverty line in the State of Israel, one third of them non-Jewish minorities and more than 2/3 Jewish.  Poverty rates of children in Israel are the highest among all developed countries.  Children living below the poverty line fall behind in their education, frequently due to hunger, illness and home instability.

Therefore, be it resolved that the Central Conference of American Rabbis expresses its deep moral concern over the growing economic differential between those at the lowest rung of the economic ladder and the few who have profited by recent government policies.

Resolution Adopted by the CCAR

FEDERAL REFUSAL CLAUSE

Adopted by the 116th Annual Convention

of the Central Conference of American Rabbis

Houston, TX

March, 2005

Background

On December 8, 2004, President George Bush signed into law the FY 2005 Consolidated Appropriations Act. Included in this omnibus appropriations bill is a provision known as the Federal Refusal Clause. This provision states that any federal, state or local government agency that .discriminates. against any .health care entity. that does not provide, pay for, or refer a patient to abortion services can lose its federal funding for health and human services and labor programs. There are no exceptions to protect the life of the woman. This would override the Title X guidelines that requires health care agencies receiving Title X funding (for family planning services) to make referrals to abortion services. Title X does not provide funding for abortion services, nor is any individual health care worker forced to provide abortion services or referrals, but agencies receiving the funding must provide the referrals. "Conscience clauses" are already in place, protecting the rights of individual health care workers to refuse to provide referrals or services that violate their conscience, as long as comparable service is available through other means. But the Federal Refusal Clause applies, not to individuals, but to any "health care entity", which is broadly defined as, "an individual physician or other health care professional, a hospital, a provider-sponsored organization, a health maintenance organization, a health insurance plan, or any other kind of health care facility, organization, or plan." As the Religious Coalition for Reproductive Choice states,

"We firmly believe that medical personnel who are opposed to participating in an abortion procedure should be allowed to excuse themselves as long as this does not deprive the patient of the care she needs. However, these entities are not individuals and they are not religious.they serve the public, receive public funding, have a diverse workforce, and have an obligation to provide medically necessary services. By treating HMOs, health care insurers, and hospitals as individuals, this provision places their preferences above the religious beliefs, decisions of conscience, and reproductive health decisions and needs of individuals."

By allowing health care entities to refuse to provide referrals for abortion services, this clause places a stumbling block before the blind (Leviticus 19:14). Women go to doctors, hospitals and clinics, in good faith, with every expectation of receiving appropriate care and complete information about the treatment options open to them. It is essential that they be able to receive the care they need.

If not renewed, the Federal Refusal Clause will expire at the end of Fiscal Year 2005. Yet there are efforts to repeal the provision sooner. A vote is expected in Spring 2005 on a measure sponsored by Senator Barbara Boxer (D-CA) to overturn the Federal Refusal Clause. The National Family Planning and Reproductive Health Association (NFPRHA) has filed a motion for a preliminary injunction to prevent enforcement of the law. The California Attorney General has also challenged the law, alleging that it infringes on state sovereignty, exceeds Congress.s spending powers and violates a woman.s Constitutional right to abortion to preserve her life or health. The Religious Coalition for Reproductive Choice began an educational campaign in January, 2005, to raise awareness of the serious repercussions of this bill in its ability to curtail access to needed reproductive health care information.*

Whereas, as Reform Jews and as rabbis, we of the CCAR have a long history of support for reproductive rights and

Whereas we honor women as moral decision makers empowered to make their own decisions regarding when and whether to have children, according to their own consciences and religious beliefs and

Whereas we oppose efforts to restrict access to reproductive health care and to deprive women of their right to complete, accurate, and impartial information about a legal and often necessary health care option and

Whereas, in Jewish tradition, the practice of medicine is a mitzvah, an element of pikuach nefesh, and a health care professional who fails to provide medical care, "is as if he has shed blood" (Shulchan Arukh Yoreh De`ah 336:1),

Therefore, the Central Conference of American Rabbis resolves to:

Resolution Adopted by the CCAR

ENGAGEMENT WITH ISRAEL

Adopted by the 116th Annual Convention

of the Central Conference of American Rabbis

Houston, TX

March, 2005

"We stand firm in our love of Zion." These words at the end of the CCAR.s "Reform Judaism & Zionism: A Centenary Platform (1997)," serve both as a clear statement of the contemporary Reform rabbinate.s commitment to Israel as well as an urgent reminder of the many sacred tasks to which our love of Zion continually calls us.

While we affirmed in 1997 "that the renewal and perpetuation of Jewish national life in Eretz Yisrael is a necessary condition for the realization of the physical and spiritual redemption of the Jewish people and of all humanity," for too many, the Land of Israel, the People of Israel and the State of Israel have become secondary concerns or worse. Since the eruptions of renewed violence in 2000, fewer Jews from North America have visited Israel, thus missing many opportunities to strengthen the bonds of connection and mutual responsibility.

THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED that, in addition to the commitments we have taken upon ourselves in the resolution, "Encouraging Pilgrimage to Israel Among Reform Jews" (5765), and as an expression of its continued love of Zion, the Central Conference of American Rabbis reiterates and renews its Engagement with Israel by calling on its members:

I have set watchmen upon your walls, O Jerusalem, who shall never hold their peace day nor night; you who make mention of the Lord, take no rest. And give him no rest, until he establish, and until he makes Jerusalem a praise in the earth. Isaiah 62:6-7

Resolution Adopted by the CCAR

ENCOURAGING PILGRIMAGE TO ISRAEL AMONG REFORM JEWS¹

Adopted by the 116th Annual Convention

of the Central Conference of American Rabbis

Houston, TX

March, 2005

Background

We are people with a long memory of our roots in the Land of Israel, a people that reminds itself on a regular basis of the hope of “next year in Jerusalem.” Within this sacred land, our prophets called out for justice, peace and mercy and our ancient sages developed the Judaism that we practice in our homes and congregations. The language of Israel, Hebrew, is the language of our sacred texts; the holidays of our holy calendar are derived from the agricultural and geographic climates of the Land of Israel. Judaism without Israel would be like a tree with no roots. It was for this reason that the Bible commanded that we go up to the land on a regular basis in holy pilgrimage in order to reconnect to the land of our people’s physical and spiritual birth.

This tradition of sacred travel to Israel continues today both in Judaism and in other faith communities. As recently as 1999, tourism was Israel’s primary industry, its revenues surpassing even diamonds and citrus. With great sadness, we witnessed the decline of this staple of the Israeli economy and are keenly aware that the damage wrought was enormous. We are grateful that tourism is again on the rise. Still, Reform Jews, as well as other Jews in the Diaspora, are visiting Israel in far fewer numbers than before. While we recognize that the current matzav (situation) accounts for this decrease, we believe that the precipitous drop in tourism levels is out of proportion to the risk entailed in traveling to Israel. Media hype and unreasonable U.S. State Department advisories have served to increase unwarranted fear. We are thankful that the security situation in Israel has improved considerably since the height of the Palestinian uprising. We appreciate the measures and efforts that have been taken by the Israeli government and tourism companies, including our own Association of Reform Zionists of America (ARZA) Travel and North American Federation of Temple Youth (NFTY) in Israel, to increase security for tourists.

Recent findings of the National Jewish Population Study regarding Jewish identity indicate a decreasing connection American Jews and Reforms Jews in particular feel in regard to Israel. Significant steps must be taken to strengthen the bond between the world’s two largest Jewish communities. Firm in the knowledge that a trip to Israel strengthens Jewish identity and forges a stronger sense of connection to Jews worldwide, and committed to Klal Yisrael, we recognize the need to increase the number of Reform Jews of all ages making frequent visits to Israel.

In particular, we understand the long-term impact of young people spending significant time in Israel during their high school and college years. Programs such as the URJ Eisendrath International Exchange (EIE) program and the Carmel Progressive Beit Midrash bring young people closer to Israel within a Reform context and nurture our Movement’s future leadership. These programs also open up excellent opportunities for partnership between the Movement and the new Masa project of the Israeli government and the Jewish Agency for Israel, one designed to bring 20,000 young Jewish adults from the Diaspora to Israel for long-term programs. Birthright Israel trips and semester and year-long study programs offer college-age students wonderful opportunities to build connections to the land and people of Israel. Based on State Department travel advisories, some American universities currently do not permit their students to obtain academic credit for their studies in Israel, forcing those who pursue such programs to withdraw, take time off for study in Israel, forego financial aid, or forego preferential pricing. At a time when there is so much anti-Israel sentiment on campus, in the media and elsewhere, we believe that it is critical that our young people receive a firsthand experience of our homeland.

In solidarity with our people in Israel, expressed most directly through our presence, we acknowledge our responsibility to encourage Reform Jews and others to travel to Israel. This time-sensitive commitment will require measures taken on the local level, as well as the national level.

THEREFORE, in order to deepen the solidarity, connection and engagement of North American Reform Jews with Israel, and Reform Jews in Israel in particular, the Central Conference of American

Rabbis resolves to:

Resolution Adopted by the CCAR

ECONOMIC ACTIONS INCLUDING DIVESTMENT AS OBSTACLES TO THE ADVANCEMENT OF MIDDLE EAST PEACE§

Adopted by the 116th Annual Convention

of the Central Conference of American Rabbis

Houston, TX

March, 2005

Background

The Reform rabbinate is deeply committed to supporting efforts to bring about a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that will fulfill the national aspirations of the both the Israeli and Palestinian peoples within the context of peaceful co-existence and mutual recognition. These efforts would allow both peoples to live in peace, dignity and security, relieved of the suffering of generations of violence. Difficult compromises will be required for both sides to come to mutual agreement.

We deeply deplore efforts that blame Israel for the failure of the peace process or that seek to use economic actions against Israel, including singling out for shareholder actions or divestment, companies working in Israel. These shareholder efforts are more likely to hinder rather than advance the peace process. Israel.s adversaries may interpret them as endorsing continuation of their strategies of rejectionism and terror. In addition, the one-sided nature of these actions undermines their  credibility. They resonate as discriminatory and conjure memories within the Jewish community of the anti-Israel boycott of past years.   They also raise an inescapable and repugnant association with anti-Apartheid activities, thereby creating the perception that the sponsoring entities seek to de-legitimize the very existence of the state of Israel. 

We note with pride the substantial role played by leaders of the Reform Movement in addressing these initiatives, both at the national level and within local communities. At the national level, following the distressing action of the Presbyterian Church (USA) on divestment, Rabbi Eric Yoffie, President of the Union for Reform Judaism, and the Joint Commission on Interreligious Affairs have taken the lead in convening prominent interfaith leaders to convey our concerns and have provided helpful tools for local communities. Colleagues at the local level have reached out to clergy of different denominations to educate and sensitize them to our perspective on these troubling issues. These efforts have made a significant impact on the nature and course of the debate taking place in the interfaith arena.

Therefore be it resolved that the Central Conference of American Rabbis:

§ Adapted from a resolution drafted for the Jewish Council on Public Affairs 2005 Plenum

Resolution Adopted by the CCAR

CONCERNING THE CONFEDERATE BATTLE FLAG

Adopted by the 116th Annual Convention

of the Central Conference of American Rabbis

Houston, TX

March, 2005

Background

The Confederate battle flag,‡ though for some a proud emblem of Southern heritage has become for many Americans a reminder of slavery and segregation. The flag.s basic design has been appropriated by the Ku Klux Klan, other racist hate groups and white supremacists. According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, more than 500 extremist groups use the battle flag as one of their symbols. Common public perception of the flag today associates it with bigotry, oppression, and our country.s historic trampling of African American rights.

Several Southern states have flown the Confederate battle flag along with the U.S. and state flags over their statehouses. South Carolina still flies the battle flag on a prominent flagpole on the front lawn of the state capitol, a display offensive to many who see the flag.s continued presence as a reminder of the shameful history of slavery and oppression.

Other states incorporated the Southern Cross into the design of their own state flags. In these cases, the Confederate battle flag has represented . at times explicitly . an era of segregation and racism. In Georgia, the design was incorporated into the state flag in 1956, where it remained until recently, as a symbolic protest of the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education desegregation decision.

In the twenty-first century, the fact that the flag has caused such controversy is in itself a reason for change . a state flag should be a symbol of unity, not division. The Confederate battle flag belongs in museums and history lessons. However, such a symbol should not be displayed in any way that implies government endorsement of the hateful ideas that the flag has come to represent.

The Jewish people know all too well the sting of bigotry, oppression, and slavery triggered by powerful symbols of hate. We will always feel a spiritual kinship to those who suffer under the yoke of oppression and persecution, and together we will work to see that justice is served for all God.s children.

THEREFORE, THE CENTRAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICAN RABBIS RESOLVES TO:

‡ A distinct national flag flew over the Confederate States before the adoption of the battle flag incorporating the Southern Cross. However, it is this battle flag, which is now most commonly associated with racism.

Resolution Adopted by the CCAR

CLIMATE CHANGE

Adopted by the 116th Annual Convention

of the Central Conference of American Rabbis

Houston, TX

March, 2005

Background

In December 1997, the nations of the world gathered in Kyoto, Japan to develop a treaty with binding commitments to address the threat of climate change. The International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), a group of over 2,000 climate scientists from around the world was charged to evaluate the data on climate change to inform the treaty negotiations. IPCC has documented a number of changes in the earth’s atmosphere that are attributed to human activity, causing elevated levels of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gasses that are heating the earth’s surface.

On February 16, 2005, the Kyoto Treaty entered into force, with most of the world.s industrialized nations committing to reducing their output of heat trapping carbon emissions. While the Kyoto Protocol represents a monumental step in global cooperation to address an Earth-threatening problem, some environmentalists believe that Kyoto is too-little-too-late. The United States, which produces one quarter of the world.s CO₂, while representing only 4 percent of the world.s population, is not participating in the Protocol. India and China, developing nations with large populations and fast-paced industrialization, are also not participating. More must be done.

The following Jewish and secular moral principles serve as the foundation for the Conference.s position on the development of agreements and policies to address climate change:

Responsibilities to Future Generations: “Therefore choose life, that you and your descendants may live.” (Deuteronomy 30:20) Humankind has a solemn obligation to improve the world for future generations. Minimizing climate change requires us to learn how to live within the ecological limits of the Earth, so that we will not compromise the ecological or economic security of those who come after us.

Integrity of Creation: “The human being was placed in the Garden of Eden to till it and to tend it.” (Genesis 2:15) Humankind has a solemn obligation to protect the integrity of ecological systems, so that their diverse constituent species, including humans, can thrive.

Equitable Distribution of Responsibility: Nations’ responsibilities for reducing greenhouse gas emissions should correlate to their contribution to the problem. The United States has built an economy highly dependent upon fossil fuel use that has affected the entire globe, and must therefore reduce greenhouse gas emissions in a manner that corresponds to its share of the problem.

Protection of the Vulnerable: “When one loves righteousness and justice, the earth is full of the loving-kindness of the Eternal.” (Psalm 33:5) The requirements and implementation procedures to address climate change must protect those most vulnerable to climate change both here in the United States and around the globe: poor people, those living in coastal areas, those who rely on subsistence agriculture.

Sustainable Development: The Earth cannot sustain the levels of resource exploitation currently maintained by the developed world. As we work towards global economic development, the developed world should promote the use of renewable energy sources and new technologies, so that developing nations do not face the same environmental challenges that we face today because of industrialization.

Strong action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions is consistent with a number of long-standing public policy priorities, including: improving air quality, increasing mass transit, development of non-polluting alternative energy sources, energy efficiency and energy conservation.

Together, the people of the world can, and must, use our God-given gifts to develop innovative strategies to meet the needs of all who currently dwell on this planet, without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.

THEREFORE the Central Conference of American Rabbis resolves to:

Resolution Adopted by the CCAR

THE WAR IN IRAQ

Adopted by the 117th Annual Convention

of the Central Conference of American Rabbis

San Diego, CA

June, 2006

Background

The war in Iraq is clearly one of the most challenging moral issues facing America.

A brutal dictator has been removed and is now being tried by a national tribunal for mass murder. Consequently, Iraq has seen movement toward democracy and toward freedom of press and speech that was unimaginable just a few years ago. A long-time destabilizing regional force has been eliminated.

However, more than 2,500 U.S. service members have lost their lives, over 17,000 others have been wounded, and scores of thousands of Iraqis have been killed and wounded. Violence in Iraq continues, with new casualties virtually every day. Resentment against the United States is breeding a new generation of insurgents and terrorists — resentment further fueled by the recent suggestion by the U.S. military that two dozen Iraqis were unjustifiably killed in Haditha on November 19, 2005 by U.S. marines. While the death of Al Qaeda in Iraq leader Abu Musab al-Azrqawi on June 7 might slow the insurgency, the lasting impact of his death remains uncertain. Iraq is in danger of splitting into regional cantons that would provide an additional source of destabilization.

Meanwhile, Pentagon officials have warned that the combined resources devoted to fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan weaken our ability to deal with other conflicts. [1] Recruitment to the U.S. Armed Forces is down; and, to maintain troop levels, the military has instituted a controversial “stop-loss” program (sometimes referred to as the “backdoor draft”) that extends service members’ tours of duty beyond the limits of their contracts. U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs spending has decreased per patient over the last decade, yet the VA continues to face budget cuts.

Moreover, the Administration has placed the burden of the Iraq War squarely and exclusively on the shoulders of our Armed Services personnel and their families. The balance of the American people have not been asked to share the burden of the conflict, either through taxation, service or sacrifices that would decrease our nation’s dependence on imported oil. As a result, most Americans are shielded from the reality that we live in a nation at war. Moreover, our Armed Services personnel may well feel abandoned and alone in their mission. Symbolic support for our troops is insufficient, and may even be interpreted as an un-American insistence that citizens not voice criticism of the war itself. History teaches, most notably in World War II and in Israel’s military successes, that a nation will be victorious at war only if all its citizens participate sacrificially.

Over the last several years, the Reform Movement has spoken out and taken action on several related issues. Prior to the invasion, the URJ advocated on behalf of a congressional resolution, introduced by Senator Edward Kennedy (D-MA), that would have required the Administration to return to Congress to obtain authorization prior to deploying troops to Iraq. In 2003, a CCAR Resolution emphasized prayer for the welfare of Armed Services personnel and prayer for peace. In May 2004, the Union denounced the abuse of prisoners at Abu Ghraib and other prisons. The Union and other groups successfully advocated for a Senate amendment to the Defense appropriations bill prohibiting cruel and inhumane treatment of detainees. In June 2004, the Central Conference of American Rabbis passed a resolution that raised concerns about the false claims on which the war was based, the abuse of prisoners, the need to be visibly and strongly supportive of our military personnel, and the need to set a clearly-defined and measurable exit strategy for the withdrawal of Coalition military personnel from Iraq. In 2005, the CCAR amplified its position, opposing torture as a means of extracting intelligence from prisoners. Twice since the war began, these concerns about the war were raised directly with the Secretary of Defense by senior Religious Action Center staff. Most recently, in November 2005, in response to a proposal from URJ congregations that the Movement address the ongoing challenges of the war, the Union adopted a resolution expressing the majority of the concerns contained in this document.

Today, we know, based on the reports of two bi-partisan commissions appointed by President Bush — the Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, chaired by former Senator Charles Robb and Judge Laurence Silberman, and the 9/11 Commission, chaired by former Republican Governor Tom Kean and former Democratic Representative Lee Hamilton — that many of the premises on which the Congress, the American public and the Reform Movement based their prescriptions were false: that no weapons of mass destruction were stored in Iraq; that there was no attempt on the part of the government of Saddam Hussein to purchase uranium from the nation of Niger during the years leading up to the invasion; [2] that there were no ties between Saddam Hussein and the events of September 11, 2001; and that there was no cooperation between Iraq and Al Qaeda that had led to terrorist attacks. [3] These mistakes — be they misrepresentations or misunderstandings — have significantly undermined American credibility.

Furthermore, lack of adequate planning for the aftermath of the invasion greatly aggravated the chaos and instability. Experts have widely criticized the failure to protect American forces by guarding Saddam Hussein.s ammunition dumps, weapons from which now maim and kill American soldiers; the failure to keep an Iraqi army selectively intact (as we did in Kosovo); the failure to ensure the delivery of basic services to Iraqi citizens; the refusal to accept the offers of the United Nations and individual countries that had not fought in the invasion to provide on-the-ground peacekeepers and reconstruction assistance; and, over the first three years of the war, the lack of an adequate supply of flak jackets and Armored Personnel Carriers. (Improvements have been made in this area, and Congress is currently considering steps to do better). The result has been to provide fertile ground for the insurgency.

American public opinion, and Jewish opinion in particular, has turned against the war: nearly two-thirds of Americans disapprove of the Administration.s handling of the situation in Iraq. [4] Moreover, Americans are uneasy about the rising price tag for the war, now approaching $300 billion, diverting money and resources that are urgently needed at home. [5] Some have argued that future generations will continue to have to pay this cost, as a result of concurrent tax cuts coupled with spending of borrowed funds. Seventy percent of American Jews now describe the war as a mistake and a majority seeks to bring American troops safely and speedily home. [6]

Nonetheless, with much of Iraq’s infrastructure now undermined, the old leadership removed, and new leadership still in flux, a contentious debate on how and when the U.S. can withdraw divides the nation. Ironically, some who supported the war now think we should withdraw immediately, while some who opposed the war believe we cannot begin to leave until the situation stabilizes. Opponents of immediate withdrawal argue that the U.S. should not establish a timetable for withdrawal because if we withdraw too soon, Iraq will devolve into civil war and become a haven for terrorists. Opponents also note that if we set deadlines and then fail to meet them, we will be perceived as weak by our enemies. Supporters of a more imminent withdrawal argue that Americans and Iraqis continue to die as a result of the insurgency, and that rather than maintaining order in Iraq, the presence of the United States as an occupying power engenders resentment and resistance from the populace and creates sympathy for the insurgents to continue fighting.

Growing voices in this country are calling for fundamental changes in U.S. policy in Iraq, changes that will bring our troops home safely and soon, and promote the creation of a sovereign and peaceful Iraq. Sadly, within the organized opposition to the war there are a number of groups espousing radical, anti-Israel rhetoric (including a number of members of ANSWER — Act Now to Stop War and End Racism). In a second major coalition, United for Peace and Justice, there are fewer such voices. The absence of mainstream American Jewish organizations from this debate has created a vacuum in which other voices are manipulating messages about Jews and Israel in the context of and in opposition to the Iraq war.

The Iraqi people ratified the permanent Constitution by a referendum conducted on October 15, 2005, and parliamentary elections under that Constitution occurred on December 15, 2005. Both are critical steps in establishing a functional, stable government in Iraq. These recent events present an opportunity for the United States to establish a plan to withdraw United States Armed Forces from Iraq that would support the legitimacy of the Iraqi Government and the assumption of responsibility by Iraqi forces for security and public safety. On March 21, 2006, President Bush stated that future troop levels “will be decided by future presidents and future governments of Iraq.” Critics argue that a clear plan for a phased, tactical withdrawal is the best way to ensure the safe return of our Armed Forces personnel, who will continue to be put in harm.s way if they remain in Iraq indefinitely or are withdrawn prematurely and with inadequate organization.

As the United States enters its fourth year of war, with no end in sight, it is incumbent upon the leadership of the Reform Movement to confront these issues and take a position.

THEREFORE, the CCAR resolves to:

Resolution Adopted by the CCAR

THE URGENT NEED FOR ACTION IN SUDAN

Adopted by the 117th Annual Convention

of the Central Conference of American Rabbis

San Diego, CA

June, 2006

Background

We affirm the sanctity of all human beings as a value that flows from being created in God’s image.

We recall our own people’s experience of genocide. Therefore, in June and September of 2004, respectively, the CCAR and URJ adopted resolutions concerning the need for urgent action in response to the genocide taking place in the Darfur region of the Sudan. A summary of the history of the civil war in the Sudan and background on the current genocide and humanitarian crisis can be found in those resolutions.

While the US has begun to move in the right direction, the international community has yet to take meaningful enough action, and the genocide and humanitarian crisis continue. The purpose of this resolution is to build on the consciousness-raising we have already accomplished and to call upon our nation and the international community to act quickly.

According to recent figures, an estimated 400,000 civilians have now lost their lives and 10,000-35,000 are dying each month; over 2 million civilians have been internally displaced; and over 200,000 have fled to neighboring Chad. The Sudanese government-supported militia, the Janjaweed, which is responsible for the slaughter, is now making regular raids across the border into Chad, and there are reports that the war has crossed the border into Chad as well.

Janjaweed militia-men are systematically raping women as part of this campaign of violence. Women and children are particularly vulnerable as they venture outside the refugee camps to collect firewood and water necessary for survival.

The situation on the ground, already unsafe and unstable, is deteriorating rapidly, and violence, according to recent UN reports, is escalating. The Sudanese government is not doing its part to stem the violence. Money has dwindled resulting in significant cutbacks across the board. The US has given money and aid but the rest of the international community has not.

The African Union (AU) has provided 7,000 troops, yet these troops lack adequate funding and are not mandated to protect civilians, meaning that their presence has little value.

The United Nations Security Council passed two resolutions in the spring of 2005: one calling for targeted sanctions against the ruling party and one referring the perpetrators of the Genocide to the International Criminal Court. These are two significant steps in holding perpetrators accountable and providing incentives for the government of Sudan and the Janjaweed to stop their killing. These declarations have not led to enough meaningful action and the genocide continues. The UN has also been hesitant to push for sanctions or enforce an arms embargo and a no-fly zone that could help to curb the violence.

On May 5, 2006, under pressure from the United States, the government of Sudan and the biggest Darfur rebel faction signed a peace accord aimed at ending the conflict. However, the cease-fire is already being widely violated, and the AU force is unable and ill-equipped to exert meaningful control over the marauding rebel groups and government- supported militias that are committing atrocities with impunity.

On May 16, 2006 the UN unanimously passed a resolution pressing Sudan to cooperate in enforcing the May 5 peace treaty among rebel groups and promising to expedite the UN efforts to create a peacekeeping force. The AU has agreed to cede authority to the UN by September, or sooner. The international community is vital in leading the UN to act. NATO, China, Russia, and EU support is indispensable to getting food aid to Darfur, readying the UN troops, and integrating the AU troops into the UN force.

The US Congress has finally taken action on this issue. The Darfur Peace and Accountability Act (H.R. 3127 / S. 1462) was introduced in the 109th Congress by Senator Sam Brownback (R-KS) and by Representative Henry Hyde (R-IL). The Senate passed its version of the bill unanimously on November 18th, 2005, and the House of Representatives followed on April 5th, 2006. It is now critical that the strongest possible version of the bill is passed by both houses of Congress when it comes out of conference.

In February 2006 President Bush called for doubling the levels of international troops in Darfur in order to address the ongoing crisis in Sudan. President Bush also called for an increased role for NATO peacekeepers in Darfur and sent a supplemental funding proposal to Congress which included a request for $123 million to strengthen the African Union peacekeeping force in Darfur. The House of Representatives and the Senate both passed amendments to provide an additional $50 million to the President’s request, bringing the total for Darfur peacekeeping within the emergency supplemental Fiscal Year 2006 funding bill, H.R. 3949, to $173 million. Both houses of Congress have passed this bill, but the two versions have not yet been resolved in conference. It is vital that the full $173 million remains in this bill.

Reports that Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick, who helped broker the May 5 peace agreement intends to resign from his post highlight the need for President Bush to appoint a Special Presidential Envoy for Sudan. An Envoy is essential to coordinate United States and international policy on the peace process and help ensure that high level attention and pressure is brought to bear on all parties. The Senate already passed an amendment that earmarks $250,000 to establish and support an Office for a Special Presidential Envoy for Sudan.

On April 28th, 2006 the UN World Food Program (WFP) announced that beginning in May, the food rations in Darfur will be half the minimum amount required each day. So far in 2006, the United States has provided $215 million in food aid to WFP. The proposed supplemental funding bill, H.R. 4939, contains an additional $150 million for food aid in Sudan.

Furthermore, on February 17th, 2006 Senator Joe Biden (D-Del.) also introduced Senate Resolution 383, which calls on President Bush to take immediate steps to help improve the security situation in Darfur, with an emphasis on civilian protection. It was passed by Unanimous Consent on March 2nd, 2006.

The rapidly worsening situation in Sudan is further evidence of the need for greater effort on the part of all people of goodwill from around the world to address the crisis. Concrete steps to end the violence must be taken, such as targeted sanctions and the presence of more troops on the ground with a stronger mandate. Only with an immediate end to the violence and increased humanitarian assistance, can the horrors being experienced by the people of Darfur be alleviated.

American Jewish World Service (AJWS) has tirelessly worked to alleviate poverty, hunger and disease around the world. AJWS supports humanitarian assistance efforts in the Darfur region, using emergency funds to ensure access to clean water, construct sanitation facilities, provide primary and reproductive health care, and support survivors of gender-based violence. Ruth Messinger and AJWS, often working in concert with our own Religious Action Center for Reform Judaism, have raised our consciousness and insisting that America act.

AJWS has played a key role, as part of the Save Darfur Coalition, which organized the million postcard campaign and the April 30^th March on Washington. Other efforts — such as the “Dolls for Darfur” campaign, initiated by Temple Emanu El in Dallas and the Southern California, synagogue-based coalition initiated by Rabbi Harold Schulweis — have helped to raise consciousness about the genocide in Darfur.

THEREFORE BE IT RESOLVED that the Central Conference of American Rabbis:

1. Urges the United Nations Security Council to immediately authorize an expanded AU or combined AU/UN force of the number of troops necessary to execute a mandate to protect civilians under Chapter VII of the UN Charter and to provide them with the necessary logistical and financial support to fulfill its mission;

2. Calls upon the U.S. Government to authorize the use of a NATO “bridging” force to increase the current troop level until a combined AU/UN force is ready to be mobilized.

3. Appeals to the U. S. Government to establish an Office for a Special Presidential Envoy for Sudan and calls upon President Bush to immediately appoint an Envoy.

4. Urges its members, their congregants and other constituents, to write and call the White House at least two times a week to ask the President to act immediately on items #1 – #3 above.

5. Thanks President Bush for speaking out forcefully on this issue and challenges him to put his words into action.

6. Commends Congress for passing the Darfur Peace and Accountability Act (S. 1462/H.R. 3127) and urges our Senators and Representatives to ensure that the strongest possible version of the bill is passed by both houses of Congress when it comes out of conference.

7. Urges its members and the communities they serve to participate in local and national advocacy efforts coordinated by the Save Darfur Coalition and American Jewish World Service to educate about and act on behalf of those who are suffering.

8. Encourages its members and the communities they serve to participate in the “30 Days for Darfur” campaign, organized by the Religious Action Center. The goal of this campaign is to lobby foreign officials from NATO and African Union countries to cooperate in efforts to put UN troops on the ground and bring international aid to the region.

9. Commends the outstanding work of Ruth Messinger, American Jewish World Service and the Save Darfur Coalition; our colleague, Rabbi David Saperstein and the Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism, and all CCAR members and the congregations and communities they serve who have worked tirelessly to raise consciousness and urge action on this critical issue.