CCAR Resolution on Racial Justice

June 17, 2015

Background

On August 9, 2014, Michael Brown, age 18, was shot to death by a Ferguson, Missouri police officer.  While the specifics of that incident remain in dispute, it sparked a vigorous national debate about police use of lethal force, particularly in connection with African American suspects. Only two months earlier – on July 17, 2014, in Staten Island, New York – Eric Garner, an African American man, was killed when a police officer placed him in a choke hold.  In neither case was the police officer in question indicted. In the months that have followed, additional deadly incidents, many involving police officers and African American suspects, have rocked many of our nation’s cities. In the ten months that have followed, awareness of police use of deadly force has grown, with renewed focus on tragic incidents, many of which preceded the death of Michael Brown.

CCAR members and the communities we serve have strongly confronted racial injustice in our communities.  We have acknowledged and appreciated that law enforcement is engaged in critical, sacrificial, and enormously complex work every day. Nonviolent protest and thoughtful debate, confronting this critical life-and-death issue, has been joined by Americans of all political persuasions, racial and ethnic groups, and religious affiliations.  Reform rabbis, following the lead of African American partners, have been among clergy of diverse faiths and Americans of every walk of life in the struggle for racial justice – grieving tragic losses of life, bravely striving to keep the peace, supporting law enforcement in our communities, and boldly advocating for racial justice.  Violent riots have often accompanied and sometimes obscured this holy work.  While such violence is sometimes rooted in deep and longstanding community frustrations, no matter the cause, violence is neither helpful nor acceptable, but is harmful to the community.

Racial Justice has been a priority of the Central Conference American Rabbis since the CCAR first resolved to combat discrimination in education in 1938.[i]  In our 1999 Resolution on Race and the Criminal Justice System, we decried police brutality, racial profiling, sentencing disparity, and disproportionate minority confinement in the juvenile justice system.  In that same resolution, we called for efforts to reduce “the use of excessive force by police,” “legislation that prohibits discriminatory profiling;” and end to sentencing disparity, particularly with respect to non-violent drug offenses; among other reforms. In 2005, the CCAR adopted a Resolution on The Continuing Struggle for Voting Rights.  A problem of powerlessness that has only worsened since 2005, with the adoption of so-called Voter I.D. Laws, the shortening of absentee voting periods in many states, and the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2013 invalidation of critical sections of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

The Union for Reform Judaism articulated Reform principles strongly, in its December, 2014 Resolution on the Crisis of Racial and Structural Inequality in the United States.  Articulating values we affirm, the URJ Resolution included these powerful words:  “In Deuteronomy (16:20) we are commanded, Tzedek, tzedek tirdof, ‘Justice, justice you shall pursue.’ The sages explained that the word tzedek is repeated not only for emphasis but to teach us that in our pursuit of justice, our means must be as just as our ends. We are also guided by the words of Leviticus (19:15), ‘You shall do no unrighteousness in judgment; you shalt not respect the person of the poor, nor favor the person of the mighty; but in righteousness shall you judge your neighbor.’”

The CCAR has long recognized that racism and economic injustice perpetuate disparities in American life, and are injustices in themselves, contributing to an unjust criminal justice system.  On topics ranging from economic justice to voting rights, from disparities in educational opportunity to formal and informal residential segregation, we have lifted up the prophetic voice in our resolutions, calling for tikkun olam, for a repair of our too-often broken American society.[ii]

Now, therefore, Be It Resolved that the Central Conference of American Rabbis aligns itself with the larger struggle for racial justice, by:

COMBATING INCOME INEQUALITY

Calling upon Congress and the President to make an urgent priority of reducing income inequality and addressing the root causes thereof, including but not limited to structural racism, educational inequality, and the widening lack of employment opportunities.

RESTORING AND PRESERVING VOTING RIGHTS

Working with determination to re-enfranchise minority voters by:

Demanding that Congress enact a law to reverse the effects of the Supreme Court ruling that invalidated critical features of Sections IV and V of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Advocating for reversal of state laws that diminish voting rights, whether by Voter I.D. Laws, shortened absentee voting periods, or other means.

Seeking national and state legislation preventing permanent revocation of convicts’ voting rights.

RESTORING EDUCATIONAL EQUALITY

Taking a leadership role in a national conversation to focus attention on resolving gross inequalities in educational opportunity across racial, economic, and residential lines.

ELIMINATING MASS INCARCERATION

Partnering with other national organizations to help bring about the end of our American system of mass incarceration, through advocacy and action in these arenas:

Eliminating the focus on communities of color for drug arrests.

Revoking non-discretionary judicial restrictions such as mandatory minimum sentences and “three strikes and you’re out” provisions.

Ending initiatives that push juveniles into the adult penal system of courts and prisons.

Removing post-sentencing sanctions, including ineligibility for federal housing or subsidies.

ENDING RACIAL PROFILING

Calling for new legislation and strict enforcement of existing legislation to prohibit discriminatory profiling or any act by law enforcement to single out persons of color for discriminatory scrutiny.

REFORMING POLICE PRACTICES

Acknowledging and honoring the difficult yet vital work done by police every day.

Demanding a higher level of accountability of local police departments regarding their use of lethal force by:

Permitting and requiring the U.S. Attorney General to obtain accurate data about every individual who dies in police custody.

Establishing the office of independent District Attorneys who bring cases seeking indictment of potential police misconduct before Grand Juries.

Encouraging the current work by the U.S. Department of Justice to collaborate with communities on reforming police department policies, training and supervision to address issues of racial injustice, and limiting police violence. 

ENCOURAGING RABBINIC PARTICIPATION

Calling upon all CCAR members to amplify the rabbinic voice in every congregation and community we serve, to identify racial injustice and to bring ourselves and members of our communities to action to combat it.

Making Racial Justice a top priority for our Conference in the coming year, through the work of Rabbis Organizing Rabbis, with resource development for colleagues, and in partnership with the Religious Action Center.

Combating violence, even in response to horrific injustice and unspeakable powerlessness – following the lead of African American clergy, where appropriate.

Urging all CCAR members to nurture existing relationships and to build new alliances with a broad array of clergy and their houses of worship, with special attention to African American clergy.

APPRECIATING WHAT IS GOOD

Commending CCAR members who have taken leadership roles in the struggle for racial justice.

[i] Pre-1973 CCAR resolutions on discrimination, a term that seems to have been applied in this context exclusively to racial discrimination, are found in digest form only at ccarnet.org/rabbis-speak/resolutions/all/discrimination-1889-1972/.  This digest indicates that, in addition to education, the CCAR spoke out against discrimination in employment, housing, industry, medicine, the Armed Forces, and labor unions in the 1940s and 1950s.

[ii] See for example Resolution on Economic Justice, 1987; Resolution on the Continuing Struggle for Voting Rights, 2005; Resolution on Making Public Education a National Priority, 1998; Resolution on Budget and Social Welfare, 1982; Resolution on Federal Budget Priorities, 1999.

CCAR Resolution on Gun Violence

August 11, 2015

WHEREAS some 34,000 Americans die as a result of gun violence every year; and

WHEREAS statistics strongly affirm that gun laws, when properly enforced, reduce gun violence; and

WHEREAS some 60% of guns that are used in crimes can be traced to 1% of the gun stores in America; and

WHEREAS gun manufacturers have the ability to hold those “bad apple” dealers accountable for their sales practices, record keeping, employee training and cooperation with law enforcement; and

WHEREAS personalized, or “smart gun” technology can prevent accidental shootings, prevent law enforcement agents from being shot with their own service weapon, and make stolen shipments of guns useless to those who steal them; and

WHEREAS after the Sandy Hook school shooting, President Obama vowed to use “all the powers of this office” to reduce gun violence in America; and

WHEREAS there are powerful national legislative and non-legislative campaigns to reduce gun violence in America; and

WHEREAS, in a 2000 resolution, the CCAR took a strong stand in favor of gun control[i]; and

WHEREAS Reform rabbis embrace a responsibility to challenge America’s conscience and to heed the biblical injunction that we must not stand idly by the blood of our neighbor[ii]; and

WHEREAS this responsibility calls upon us to embark on a moral offensive by sending a message to our elected officials that we care deeply about gun violence and will hold them accountable and by leading our congregations and institutions to become actively involved in this cause in our communities; therefore

BE IT RESOLVED, that the Central Conference of American Rabbis:

Commits to deepening our gun violence prevention advocacy effort; and

Urges the members of the congregations and communities we serve to demand that their Representatives and Senators enact effective gun violence prevention legislation; and

Endorses broad dissemination of the Religious Action Center’s Community Resource Guide to implement the Reform Movement’s strategy for addressing gun violence prevention advocacy; and

Calls upon our mayors, police chiefs, sheriffs, county executives, governors, and federal government, who collectively purchase some 40% of the guns sold in the United States each year, to use that purchasing power to press gun manufacturers to create safer dealer networks and safer gun technology through the Metro Industrial Areas Foundation’s Do Not Stand Idly By campaign; and

Encourages CCAR members to become involved in broad anti-violence coalitions in their local communities to press for effective gun violence prevention at all levels.

[i] Resolution on Ending Gun Violence, adopted at the 111^th Convention of the Central Conference of American Rabbis; March, 2000.

[ii] Leviticus 19:16

Central Conference of American Rabbis Resolution on State Religious Freedom Restoration Acts

Adopted May 6, 2015

Background[i]

The Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism, supported by a CCAR Resolution,[ii] led the effort to pass a national Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) in the 1990s. That law, passed with overwhelming and bipartisan support from members of Congress in 1993, was created to protect individuals from government laws that substantially burdened their religious beliefs in counterbalance with compelling government interests.

The Supreme Court has ruled that RFRA applies only to the federal government, not to the states.[iii]  “Since 1993, 21 states have enacted state RFRAs.”[iv]  Some state RFRAs have been adopted with language that mirrors federal RFRA, and some state RFRAs have been enacted with goals similar to the concerns that led our Reform Movement and others to advocate for federal RFRA in the 1990s. 

However, “the conversation around RFRA and who the law protects has shifted greatly after the Supreme Court’s [2013] decision in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby, which held that RFRA applied to closely held for-profit corporations in some circumstances – by defining ‘person’ to include corporations. The Reform Movement vociferously criticized the Supreme Court’s decision in Hobby Lobby, emphasizing the problems that stem from giving corporations the same religious freedom rights as individuals under RFRA.”[v]

Most recently, legislators in some states have proposed state RFRA’s that would allow businesses and individuals to claim religious exemptions to discriminate. When RFRAs are used in this fashion, they not only sanction harm to vulnerable communities but they also undermine the fundamental, bedrock American value of religious freedom.

As Jews, we know intimately the importance of religious freedom protections, which have allowed us – and many other communities of faith – to live freely according to our religious beliefs, practices and observances. Coming from our history as victims of discrimination and oppression, it is our duty to speak out and to fight for the rights and protections of all vulnerable communities when they are put at risk.

Specifically, legislators in some states have proposed state RFRAs in response to several factors including health care laws that include reproductive rights protections, the spread of marriage equality and what they perceive to be increased equal legal protections for the LGBT community.  In several instances, proposed or enacted state RFRAs have sought to preserve the purported religious liberty of businesses, as well as non-religious associations and non-profit organizations.  “These laws [and proposals] are [intended] to allow people to discriminate against the LGBT community. The original RFRA, by contrast and as described above, was crafted to ensure that people were protected from government overreach in their religious free exercise.”[vi]

While marriage equality may soon be a reality across the United States, gay, lesbian, and transgender Americans continue to lack basic civil rights protection.  No legislation at the federal level, or in the majority of states, protects LGBT Americans from discrimination in employment or housing, for example.  The CCAR, by contrast, has advocated for equal civil rights for gay men and lesbians since 1977 and recently adopted a resolution calling for the same for transgendered Americans.[vii]

Reform Rabbis have been working hard to defeat state RFRAs, particularly when the language of those RFRAs grants religious liberty to businesses.  The burden of this fight has fallen particularly on CCAR members who live in states where the legislative environment is hostile to LGBT equality.

Therefore, Be It Resolved that the Central Conference of American Rabbis:

Reaffirms its support for the federal Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 under the rationale for which it was adopted, namely the protection of religious liberty.

Opposes the enactment of any state RFRA that would enable religious liberty claims to prevail in a way that would permit discrimination against protected classes and other minorities, including but not limited to the LGBT community.

Calls upon the federal government and each of the states to assert, for RFRA claims, a compelling interest to protect Americans against discrimination, based on existing law or by enacting new law, outweighing religious liberty claims.

Deplores the Supreme Court’s interpretation of federal RFRA in Hobby Lobby, which extended religious freedom rights to at least some corporations.

Supports the enactment of state RFRAs only if the following conditions exist:

That the RFRA explicitly states that neither for-profit corporations nor secular institutions and associations is protected under the law.

That the RFRA mirror federal RFRA with the exceptions stated above in A.

Renews its call for legislation at the federal level and in each state to extend the full non-discrimination provisions to LGBT Americans in areas including but not limited to employment, housing, public accommodations, and education.

Commends CCAR members who have advocated on behalf of LGBT and other Americans who might face increased discrimination as a result of proposed state RFRAs.

[i] Much of the language in the background section is taken from statements issued by the Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism in March and April, 2015, in response to initiatives in Indiana and North Carolina. 

[ii] “Free exercise of Religion and the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1991,” a resolution adopted by the 102^nd Annual Convention of the Central Conference of American Rabbis, June, 1991.

[iii] City of Boerne v. Flores, 1997.

[iv] National Conference of State Legislatures, ncsl.org.

[v] Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism, “FAQ and Talking Points – Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) and State RFRAs,” April, 2015.

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] CCAR Resolution on the Rights of Transgender and Gender Non-Conforming Individuals, adopted March 16, 2015.

CCAR Resolution on International Reproductive Justice and the Helms Amendment

Adopted May 6, 2015

 

Whereas the Central Conference of American Rabbis (CCAR) has gone on record in 1967, 1975, and 1980 in affirming a woman’s right to control her own body, including her right to access to a safe and legal abortion; and,

Whereas the Central Conference of American Rabbis has consistently opposed amendments and legislation that would abridge or circumscribe this right, but has not heretofore taken a position specifically on the Helms Amendment; and

Whereas the Helms Amendment prohibits foreign assistance from being used to pay for abortion “as a method of family planning or to motivate or coerce any person to practice abortions;” and

Whereas “as a method of family planning” is not defined in the Helms Amendment, “the federal status quo on abortion restrictions suggests that this excludes, at the very least, cases of rape, incest, and life endangerment;”[i] but

Whereas “USAID has consistently misinterpreted the Helms language to exclude funding for abortion services . . . in cases such as rape;[ii] and

Whereas rape is currently being used as a weapon in many places throughout the world; and

Whereas Helms Amendment restrictions have harmed the health and human rights of women and girls globally, 

Therefore Be It Resolved that:

The CCAR calls upon the Congress to overturn the Helms Amendment; and

The CCAR rejects the notion that women resort to abortion “as a method of family planning; ”

In the absence of repeal, the CCAR calls on the President of the United States to apply the Helms Amendment in such a way that U.S. foreign assistance is used to support access to abortion in cases of rape, incest and life endangerment.

[i] Center for Health and Gender Equity, www.genderhealth.com.

[ii] Ibid.

The Rights of Transgender and Gender Non-Conforming Individuals

Submitted to the Central Conference of American Rabbis

By the Rabbinic Members of the Commission on Social Action of Reform Judaism

March 16, 2015

BACKGROUND

Throughout the Reform Movement’s history, we have worked tirelessly to fight discrimination, support equality, and strengthen the rights of minorities and women. Since 1977, when both the Union for Reform Judaism and the Central Conference of American Rabbis passed resolutions affirming “the rights of homosexuals,” we have welcomed and celebrated people of all sexual orientations in our congregations, and opposed laws that fail to uphold principles of equality for all.

 

While progress has been made in bringing greater equality and acceptance of gays, lesbians, and bisexuals in North American society, too often transgender and gender non-conforming individuals are forced to live as second-class citizens.  Transgender is a “term for people whose gender identity, expression or behavior is different from those typically associated with their assigned sex at birth.” “Gender non-conforming” is “a term for individuals whose gender expression is different from societal expectations related to gender.”

 

Although much work remains to be done to fully overcome discrimination against lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals, members of the transgender and gender non-conforming communities face particular ongoing bigotry. Transgender individuals are often unable to easily update their federal and state documents—such as passports and birth certificates—to reflect their correct gender and name. As a result, transgender individuals can be denied the right to vote because their documents do not match their gender. Additionally, they are frequent victims of hate crimes and harassment and often face discrimination in employment, healthcare, and housing. Simply accessing the appropriate restroom without facing others’ objections or fearing violence can be a challenge to transgender and gender non-conforming individuals. The combined impact of all of these factors has contributed to extremely high rates of poverty, homelessness, and suicide rates among transgender individuals.

Efforts within the Reform Movement over the past decade reflect our commitment to greater inclusivity for transgender and gender non-conforming individuals. In 2003, Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion admitted its first openly transgender rabbinical student, who was admitted to the Central Conference of American Rabbis upon ordination.  However, the non-discrimination statement of the Rabbinical Placement Commission does not yet require that congregations and other organizations seeking a rabbi commit to avoiding discrimination on the basis of gender identity.

Recently, both NFTY and URJ camps have taken steps to become more inclusive of transgender participants in their programs, facilities, application forms, and materials.

Several Reform responsa highlight the imperative toward full inclusion of transgender people in accordance with Jewish tradition.  A 1978 responsum affirmed that a rabbi may officiate at the wedding of two Jews if one partner has transitioned to the gender with which they identify, as opposed to the one they were assigned at birth (“Marriage After a Sex-change Operation” in American Reform Responsa, Vol. LXXXVIII, 1978, pp. 52-54).   A 1990 responsum (CCAR 5750.8) affirmed that being transgender alone is not a basis to deny someone conversion to Judaism.  In its 2009 responsum on “Circumcision of a Transgender Female” (CCAR 5769.6), the Responsa Committee held that “like the Rabbis, we, too, are obligated to find a place within our midst for … the Jew who does not seem to fit within the established boundaries and social categories upon which our communities are normally based.  … We have no need as a community … to question any person’s expressed gender identity. … Our concern, quite simply, is to welcome [each person] into the midst of the community of Israel.”

These responsa reflect biblical tradition that teaches us that all human beings are created b’tzelem Elohim- in the Divine image. As it says in Genesis 1:27, “And God created humans in God’s image, in the image of God, God created them.” From this bedrock principle stems our commitment to defend any individual from the discrimination that arises from ignorance, fear, insensitivity, or hatred. Knowing that members of the transgender and gender non-conforming communities are often singled out for discrimination, high rates of violence, and even murder, we are reminded of the Torah’s injunction, “do not stand idly while your neighbor bleeds” (Leviticus 19:16).

 

THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED THAT the Central Conference of American Rabbis:

 

1.         Affirms its commitment to the full equality, inclusion and acceptance of people of all gender identities and gender expressions;

 

2.         Affirms the right of transgender and gender non-conforming individuals to be referred to by the name, gender, and pronoun of preference in our congregations, camps, and schools regardless of physical presentation.

 

3.         Encourages Reform congregations, congregants, clergy, camps, institutions, and affiliates, including NFTY, to begin or continue to advocate for the rights of people of all gender identities and gender expressions;

 

4.         Urges the adoption of legislation and policies that prevent discrimination based on gender identity and expression and that require individuals to be treated under the law as the gender by which they identify. This includes establishing the right to change without undue burden identification documents to reflect one’s gender and name, and equal access to medical, legal, and social services for people of all gender identities and expressions;

 

5.         Condemns violence against transgender and gender non-conforming individuals and numerous other deaths due to denial of medical care.

 

6.         Calls on the U.S. and Canadian governments at all levels to review and revise all laws and policies, such as the U.S. ban on transgender individuals serving in the military, to ensure full equality and protections for people of all gender identities and expressions;

 

7.         Commits to working with other Reform Movement institutions to begin or continue to work with local and national Jewish transgender, lesbian, gay, and bisexual organizations, to create inclusive welcoming communities for people of all gender identities and expressions, and to spread awareness and increase knowledge of issues related to gender identity and expression.  This  work may include cultural competency trainings for religious school staff, adult education programs on gender identity and expression, and sermons on the topic of gender identity and gender expression;

 

8.         Applauds HUC-JIR for having accepted and ordained the first openly transgender rabbis.

 

9.         Calls upon the Rabbinical Placement Commission to update its non-discrimination policy to include gender identity.

 

10.       Commits to working with our congregations and other Reform Movement institutions, facilities, and events to ensure, to the extent feasible, the availability of gender-neutral restrooms and other physical site needs that ensure dignity and safety for transgender and gender non-conforming individuals as they arise, such as a safe place to change clothes for an event and an appropriate bunkroom at camp for a gender independent child

 

11.       Commits to reviewing its use of language in both policy and prayer in an effort to ensure people of all gender identities and gender expressions are welcomed, included, accepted, and respected. This includes developing statements of inclusion and/or non-discrimination policies pertaining to gender identity and gender expression and, when feasible, the use of gender-neutral language; and commits to reviewing all forms and intake documents.  Whenever possible, more than two gender options should be offered, there should be flexibility in how gender is completed on forms, or gender should not need to be declared at all;

 

12.       Affirms the right of transgender and gender non-conforming individuals to receive competent and dignified pastoral and community care when facing universal times of illness, grief, and coming to the end of life.

 

13.       Works   in collaboration with other Reform entities to create ritual, programmatic, and educational materials that will empower Reform institutions to be more inclusive and welcoming of people of all gender identities and expressions.

 

Additional Resources:

Trans-Inclusive CCAR Liturgy

Trans-inclusive Blessing for Those Called to Torah

Gender Affirmation Naming Ceremony

Wedding Language for a Couple Who Would Like to Indicate Complex Genders

Mishkan Ga’avah: Where Pride Dwells – A groundbreaking collection of LGBTQ prayers, poems, liturgy, and rituals.

Central Conference of American Rabbis

Resolution on the 25th Anniversary of the

Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on Homosexuality and the Rabbinate

&

The Acceptance of Openly Gay and Lesbian Rabbinic Students at HUC-JIR

March 16, 2015

Background

While there no doubt have always been homosexual rabbis; until very recent days, they lived deeply closeted lives.  

Since 1977, the CCAR has spoken out in favor of civil rights for gay men and lesbians. Until 1990, however, the CCAR never took a position opposing discrimination within the synagogue and Jewish institutions. A 1981 responsum declared that “overt heterosexual behavior or overt homosexual behavior which is considered objectionable by the community disqualifies the person involved from leadership positions in the Jewish community” (American Reform Responsa XCI [1981], pp. 67-69).

In the years after the Stonewall revolution, a few gay and lesbian rabbis came out. With the exception of the gay and lesbian outreach congregations, no congregation knowingly hired a gay or lesbian rabbi, and several rabbis lost their positions when their sexual orientation became publicly known. Until 1990, Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion did not knowingly admit or ordain gay or lesbian students. Many outstanding candidates for the rabbinate never applied, were screened out during the admissions process, or were asked to leave before being ordained.

In 1986, a resolution calling for the full inclusion of gay and lesbian Jews and rabbis in the Reform movement was proposed. The CCAR members who proposed this resolution agreed to table it with the understanding that an Ad Hoc Committee on Homosexuality and the Rabbinate be appointed to address these issues.

The Committee’s deliberations continued over several years. The Committee was profoundly moved by personal testimonies – many, by necessity, anonymous – from gay and lesbian rabbis, as well as from others who had sought to enter the rabbinate but were unable to do so. During the years of the Committee’s work, many CCAR members advocated for rapid, forthright, and full acceptance of gays and lesbians as Jews and as rabbis on an equal basis. Others opposed a statement of acceptance with equal fervor.

In 1990, HUC-JIR for the first time declared that it would not affirmatively discriminate against gay and lesbian applicants. In a letter to the Committee, President Alfred Gottschalk announced: “HUC-JIR considers sexual orientation of an applicant only within the context of a candidate’s overall suitability for the rabbinate, his or her qualifications to serve the Jewish community effectively, and his or her capacity to find personal fulfillment within the rabbinate.” Since the CCAR automatically admits all rabbinic graduates of HUC-JIR, the question of CCAR membership was also resolved.

The Ad Hoc Committee on Homosexuality and the Rabbinate’s Final Report, issued at the CCAR Convention in 1990[i], noted the commitment of the CCAR to “provide placement services” to all its members. There was no mention of any non-discrimination policy or expectation with respect to placement. To the contrary, the Report indicates that “the unique position of the rabbi as spiritual leader and Judaic role model make acceptance of gay or lesbian rabbis an intensely emotional and potentially divisive issue.” In fact, gay and lesbian rabbis–or rabbis who were thought to be gay or lesbian–continued to experience discrimination for many years, whether being excluded from consideration, being counseled to remain “in the closet,” or losing their positions.

By action of the Joint Rabbinical Placement Committee of the CCAR, HUC-JIR, and the Union for Reform Judaism, congregations seeking rabbinic placement through the Commission must sign a non-discrimination statement which includes sexual orientation. While gay and lesbian rabbis now serve the Reform movement in every rabbinic capacity, including as the rabbis of leading North American synagogues, on the faculty and staff of the College-Institute, and throughout the Reform and wider Jewish community, prejudice and discrimination continue.

Since 1990, the CCAR has taken positions on the rights of gay men and lesbians, particularly in the area of marriage. However, it has made no further statement on the status of gay men or lesbians as rabbis.

Therefore, Be It Resolved:

That the Central Conference of American Rabbis:

1.Honors the memories of colleagues whose entire rabbinic service took place at a time when they could not openly live in fidelity to their sexual orientation while serving the Jewish community as rabbis;

2. Recognizes the pain of those colleagues and students who sought to serve the Jewish people through the rabbinate but were never allowed to serve or whose rabbinic careers were curtailed or constrained because of prejudice;

3. Salutes the gay and lesbian colleagues who were among the first to serve as rabbis after openly acknowledging their sexual orientation. Often sacrificially, they paved the way for a future generation that knows decreasing discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation – and, we pray, for a generation to come that will not know this discrimination at all;

4. Honors the brave work of the Ad Hoc Committee on Homosexuality and the Rabbinate (1986-1990) for its ultimate encouragement of the Reform Movement’s acceptance of gay and lesbian colleagues;

5. Celebrates the 25^th anniversary of the change in the admission policy at the Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion, to permit the acceptance of gay and lesbian candidates for the rabbinate;

6. Joyfully marks this 25^th anniversary of the CCAR’s formal acknowledgement of openly gay and lesbian rabbis in our ranks, while recognizing that change came slowly, both before and after 1990;

7. Rejoices that this 25^th anniversary coincides with the installation of the first openly LGBT President of the Conference, Rabbi Denise L. Eger;

8. Expresses delayed gratitude to the Joint Commission on Rabbinic Placement for requiring that congregations seeking a rabbi sign a statement indicating that they will not discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation;

9. Acknowledges that work remains to be done.  Some colleagues may continue to feel compelled to be closeted.  Discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation persists in the rabbinate. CCAR redoubles its commitment to enable colleagues to come out with safety and celebration and to end discrimination through education of colleagues, lay leaders, and the Jewish community throughout the world.                                                                                                                                                                                                                         

[i] The Committee had originally been charged to report back to the Conference at the 1988 Convention.

Resolution Adopted by the CCAR

CCAR Resolution on the 2009 Kairos Document

Adopted by the Board of Trustees
April 15, 2010

Background

The ongoing struggle of Israelis and Palestinians to live side by side in the land sacred to both is one of the greatest tragedies of our time. People of good will, whatever their faith or background, have beheld twin horrors: Israel’s existential struggle in the face of massive invasions and years of indiscriminate bombings and murderous terrorism, along with the horrible suffering and indignities experienced on a daily basis by Palestinians living under Israeli occupation.   Israel and the Palestinians desperately need a peaceful settlement that brings about an end to the occupation of Palestinians lands1 and that provides dignity and self-rule to the Palestinians and security to Israelis in a Jewish and democratic state.  Such a solution is a moral and practical necessity in the interest of all. This moment in history calls for sober, honest, and nuanced voices coming especially from involved religious leaders who understand the necessity of compromise and who can speak truth to power on both sides.  The cause of peace is not served by pronouncements which vindicate one side while demonizing the other, but by the courage of moral clarity and respect for truth.

In December, 2009, a document known as “Kairos / A Moment of Truth: A word of faith, hope and love from the heart of Palestinian suffering” was issued and signed by  nine Palestinians members of the Christian Clergy and six Palestinian Christian laypersons.

A close reading of Kairos reveals that it is anything but a document based on truth. Careful consideration of what it says and what it does not say, of the history it paints and the history it obfuscates, and of the moral yardstick it applies to Israel yet compromises in the face of Palestinian violence, reveals a morally inconsistent and theologically suspect document that speaks only part of the truth, and not always that.

Sadly, this document also rejects or ignores more than a half a century of Jewish-Christian rapprochement and takes its place among other Christian documents which, throughout history, have  intended to delegitimize the Jewish people’s continuing Covenant with God, particularly by arguing that our Covenant has been superseded by Jesus and Christianity.  Too often, such Church documents have been utilized as pretexts for our persecution, our expulsion, and even our attempted annihilation. Since the Shoah and World War II, and particularly beginning with Vatican II, the Jewish people has come to expect better from our Christian brothers and sisters. 

Like the Kairos authors, the Central Conference of American Rabbis is deeply concerned about the welfare of the Palestinian people, as our record indicates.2  Our strenuous objections to Kairos do not diminish our commitment to a two-state solution as the only avenue to achieve a just and lasting peace, preserving a secure Jewish State of Israel and facilitating for the first time the realization of the Palestinian people’s nationhood.

Among its many failings, Kairos:

Echoes supersessionist language of the Christian past, since rejected by most mainstream Christian denominations, referring to the Torah absent Christian revelation as, in the words of the Christian Scriptures, “a dead letter.”3

While opposing and negating the applicability of scriptural texts, historical presence, and theological discourse to justify the existence of a Jewish state,4 does exactly that in making its case for a Palestinian State. 5

Consistently objects to “the Occupation,” without making clear that it is referring exclusively to lands occupied by Israel and in dispute since the Six-Day War of 1967.  Ultimately, the document becomes clear, altogether rejecting the very notion of a Jewish State.6

Insists that the root cause of Palestinian resistance – both violent and non-violent – is ”the Occupation,”7 obfuscating the historical truth of the Arab world’s militant rejection of the existence of a Jewish state pre-dating 1948, and the decades of war and terrorism, which, in 1967, prompted and necessitated the taking of the West Bank, Gaza and the Golan heights.

Purports to promote non-violent resistance as the only legitimate Christian response to the Israeli occupation, yet expresses “respect” and “high esteem for those who have given their life for our nation,” thereby implicitly condoning, even praising, suicide bombers.8

Attempts to neutralize the concept of terrorism through the euphemistic reference to “terrorism,”9 implying that the deliberate Palestinian targeting of Israeli civilians with the aim of killing as many as possible in order to strike fear and terror is not terrorism at all, but a form of “legal resistance.”

Paints a compelling picture of the reality of Palestinians living under Israeli rule, but ignores the reality of Israelis forced to flee for their lives into bomb shelters, or in fear of being blown up while eating in a restaurant, celebrating a Passover Seder or dancing at a Bar Mitzvah Celebration.

The Kairos Document has been explicitly endorsed by a relative few Palestinian Christian leaders.10 However, the acceptance and endorsement of this document by certain other individuals and church groups with which we have enjoyed harmonious interfaith relations has been surprising, disturbing and profoundly disappointing. For the contemporary Christian to ascribe to this supercesionist document would be saying to their Jewish neighbors and friends – indeed to the world – that Judaism has no validity as a covenant religion, that the pain and martyrdom endured by countless generations of Jews was for naught; that the world would have been better off without the religious, cultural, spiritual, social, scientific and educational contributions of Jewish people throughout ages; and that the God we worship and serve is no God at all.  So many mainstream churches have rejected superscessionism, not only because of the centuries of persecution it has engendered, but because they believe it not to be true. In short, those who would associate themselves with this document and the religious foundation upon which it is based would be erasing years of Christian soul searching and repentance as if they had not been. We expect more from our interfaith partners. We are forced to wonder whether these Church organizations do not recognize the supersessionist and anti-Semitic nature of the Kairos document or whether they no longer care to share interfaith dialogue with us.

Therefore, the Central Conference of American Rabbis:

Declares that Kairos is a factually, theologically and morally flawed document;

Insists that the document’s explicit supercessionism and inherent anti-Semitism prevent Kairos from providing a legitimate framework for interfaith dialogue and understanding;

Acknowledges with appreciation Kairos’ call to the Palestinian people to reject hate11 (as we all must do), to follow the Christian commandment to “love both enemies and friends” and to resist “through respect of life,” as required by cited Christian Scriptures;12

Challenges the authors of Kairos to be true to the love and respect of life they endorse and the very scriptures they quote by rejecting as immoral and un-Christian the indiscriminate and deliberately targeted murder of Israeli men, women and children;

Again insists that such acts of murder, either as acts of revenge or with the specious designation of “legal Palestinian resistance,”13 do indeed comprise terrorism, denounced by people of conscience throughout the world as an unacceptable tool for achieving political ends;

Asserts that the Jewish people’s right to national sovereignty in the Land of Israel is primarily established, not by subjective religious belief or fundamentalist reading of Hebrew Scriptures, but by a millennium of national existence and civilization there, followed, even in exile, by nearly two millennia of unbroken physical and spiritual support of and yearning for the Land;

Labels as theologically hypocritical and historically dishonest the assertion that the Palestinian people’s historic presence on the land establishes its right of return,14 but that the Jewish people’s historic presence, dating back 3000 years, does not establish that very same right;

Calls on Christians of good faith to recognize the complexity of the Israeli-Arab conflict, which is complicated by territorial dispute as well as competing allegiances to sacred land, Palestinian suffering and Palestinian terror; and which must not be reduced, as Kairos’ authors do, to an assertion that the Jewish people are in the wrong and that the Palestinian cause is fully just;

Calls on all who have endorsed Kairos to look deeply into its words and honestly into their own souls and to recognize and forswear the flawed and distorted picture of reality it paints;

Serves notice that the CCAR would require serious reflection before continuing our common cause with any Church body or organization that endorses or continues to endorse Kairos;

Re-affirms our commitment to our continuing interfaith cooperation with Christian groups that affirm the continuing, unique Covenant between God and the Jewish people; and

Recommits itself to all worthy and legitimate endeavors to bring an end to the suffering of the Palestinian people, to be achieved through negotiations to establish a Palestinian State adjacent to and in cooperation with a secure Jewish State of Israel.

Urges our members to educate themselves on this matter and to seek opportunities to share concerns about the Kairos document with their local Christian colleagues and lay people.

1 We define such “Palestinian lands” as land in Israel’s hands since the Six-Day War of 1967 that was not part of Israel before that time and which has not been annexed by Israel.  We also recognize that the exact boundaries of such land may be altered in the course of negotiations.

2 See “Where We Stand on Israel,” 2002 and 2003; Resolution on Peace in Israel, 2001 inter alia,; Resolution on Gaza and the West Bank, 2006; Resolution on Building a Defensive Barrier between Israel and Palestinian Communities, 2004; Resolution on Discriminatory Home Demolitions in Israel, 2005; and countless others.

3 Kairos 2.2.2

4 Kairos 2.2.2

5 Kairos 2.3.1

6 Kairos 9.3

7 Kairos 1.4

8 Kairos 4.2.5

9 Kairos 4.3

10 On its website, the Kairos Document purports itself to be endorsed by thirteen Patriarchs and Heads of Churches in Jerusalem. And yet, that supposed statement of endorsement makes no allusion to the contents of the document nor does it endorse nor make reference to the contents of the Kairos document itself.  It is instructive to note that the original Kairos document listed Bishop Dr. Munib Younan, head of the "Evangelical Lutheran Church of Jordan and the Holy Land.," as one of the sixteen signers, the only one who held a position other than pastor at that time; but that Bishop Younan’s name was subsequently removed from the list of signatories

11 Kairos 5.4.3

12 Kairos 4.1.

13 Kairos 1.5

14 Kairos 2.3.2; 2.3.4