Responsa

CARR 223-226

CCAR RESPONSA

Contemporary American Reform Responsa

150. Tickets for Admission to Yamim Noraim Services

QUESTION: Is it proper to limit attendance at services for the Yamim Noraim through tickets? May such tickets be sold? What is the traditional and Reform point of view on this? (Rabbi D. Prinz, Teaneck, NJ)

ANSWER: The question which you have asked really deals with the entire matter of support for the synagogue. We have used different ways of eliciting proper support from the Jewish community in various periods of history. The financial obligation of adult Israelites toward religious institutions was first mentioned in the discussion of the half sheqel (Ex. 30.11 ff). All men above the age of twenty were obligated for the sum, both rich and poor. Later, the Diaspora Jewish community provided for the regular maintenance of the Temple in Jerusalem; when that Temple was destroyed, the Romans sought to divert this financial resource to the royal treasury (fiscus Judaius), which caused considerable misery. That measure eventually lapsed. During the Middle Ages a Jewish community could force its members to help maintain the necessary religious institutions through taxation (Shulhan Arukh, Yoreh Deah 256.4; Orah Hayim 150.1). Actually, measures went considerably further, and a community which had only ten males could force them all to be present for the Yamim Noraim so that the community could conduct proper congregational services. Anyone who was absent had to obtain an appropriate substitute for the minyan (Shulhan Arukh Orah Hayim 55.20; Adret, Responsa V, #222, Isaac bar Sheshet, Responsa I, #518 and #531.) A community could also force an unwilling minority within it to contribute to a synagogue (Yad Hil. T’filah 11.1; Tur, Orah Hayim 10.50). In the Middle Ages wealthy individuals often sought to escape their communal obligations, especially when large assessments were made upon the community by Gentile oppressors. These individuals who possessed means and connections tried to use them to escape the assessments. In many instances the community placed them under the ban in order to force their cooperation (J. Wiesner, Der Bann). This indicated that far more serious methods than simply the removal of some synagogue honors were used to elicit the cooperation of all Jews in the maintenance of the Jewish community.

During the Middle Ages, in France and Germany, it became customary during the pilgrimage festivals to seek gifts for the poor in conjunction with the Torah reading. This custom was called matnat yad in keeping with the Scriptural injunction of Deuteronomy (16.17). In Spain, this method of raising funds was used only during Simchat Torah. Eventually it extended to every shabbat, and the sums were used either to help the poor or to maintain the synagogue (Isaac Or Zaruah II, 21b). In connection with this, a prayer for the individual who gave the donation, or his relatives, was recited. This practice was already mentioned in the siddur of Amram (I. Ellbogen, Jüdischer Gottesdienst, p. 548). Eventually in the Sephardic lands this led to a prayer for deceased relatives also . In some areas, it became customary to auction these synagogue honors. This was done on an annual, monthly, or weekly basis in Italy and at Simchat Torah in Germany (Maharil). In North Africa the honors were auctioned on the Shabbat of Pesah and in Italy, during the Yamim Noraim (Azulai).

In various other communities a whole series of prayers were available for an appropriate gift. So, for example, in the community of Furth there were seven classes of such prayers. The entire practice was probably borrowed from Christianity as early as the ninth century (L. Zunz, Die Ritus des Synagogalen Gottesdienstes,pp. 8 ff).

In more recent times the Jewish communities in Western Europe have been supported by a system of government taxation as all other religious communities. Unless an individual specifically declares that he does not wish to support the synagogue, he is taxed; this has led to adequate maintenance for the synagogues of Western Europe.

In America each congregation is totally independent and must rely on the support of its members. Vigorous efforts have been made to assure a generous support. This has led to unusual questions, as “Collecting Synagogue Pledges Through the Civil Courts” (S. B. Freehof, Recent Reform Responsa, pp. 206 ff). Solomon Freehof indicated that such an effort is contrary to the spirit and letter of the Jewish tradition, but the fact that the question was asked demonstrates the problem which congregations face.

We, in the larger American cities, are troubled by the problem of support from those unwilling to join a synagogue and who, nevertheless, wish to avail themselves of the services of a synagogue for worship during the High Holidays, or for specific life-cycle events like Bar/Bat Mitzvah, funerals, weddings, etc. The synagogue must, therefore, maintain itself with such individuals in mind. Tickets of admission for services during the Yamim Noraim may be an appropriate way to do so as long as admission is not denied in cases of financial hardship. Every Jew, of course, has the right to worship in a synagogue, and the mitzvah of worship can not be denied to anyone, however, there is the equally important mitzvah of proper support for a synagogue. The obligation of worship need not be carried out in a specific synagogue. It is the prerogative of anyone to establish a minyan if they wish, and nothing else is necessary for a Jewish service. We must, of course, always also be sensitive to Jews who are poor and never exclude them from our services. Most of our synagogues make every effort to reach out to this group and make them feel at home in our synagogue and wave all obligations for dues. We must continue to do so.

In some congregations no tickets are sold, but are issued to all members. This system encourages synagogue membership. We have established this policy at Rodef Shalom in Pittsburgh so that individuals who have permanently settled in the city will join the congregation at whatever dues they can afford. This varies from nothing to large sums. This system eliminates the objection to the sale of tickets, however, in areas where such a system is not feasible, the sale of tickets is an acceptable way to raise revenue necessary for the maintenance of the synagogue.

May 1986

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

RR21 no. 5765.2

CCAR RESPONSA

5765.2

Times for the Shacharit Service

She’elah

A congregant has asked that a Sabbath morning service, during which her daughter will lead the congregation in worship as a Bat Mitzvah, will read Torah, haftarah and offer a devar torah, begin as late in the morning as possible, perhaps as late as 11:30 AM or even 12 noon. She makes this request so that her elderly and ill father, the grandfather of the Bat Mitzvah, will be able to participate and to fully appreciate the service and the efforts of his granddaughter, as she demonstrates her commitment to Judaism as a young Jewish adult. He is suffering from a severe illness and is not fully aware until late in the morning or early afternoon. The family and the Bat Mitzvah want to participate in a Sabbath morning service, as they feel that it is more rewarding than the shorter minchah, afternoon service.

Our congregation does not normally have a Sabbath morning or afternoon service. The Friday eve service is the “flagship” service of our Temple. Sabbath morning services are held only when a Bar Mitzvah or a Bat Mitzvah leads our congregation in worship. Such Sabbath morning services have begun as early as 10:00 AM or as late as 11:00 AM. (Rabbi Harry D. Rothstein, Utica, NY)

Teshuvah

This she’elah, in addition to the particular case it addresses, raises a more general issue. It is the common custom (minhag) for Reform congregations in North America to begin their Shabbat morning services (shacharit) at 10:00 AM or later. This custom is no accident, and it did not emerge for reasons of mere convenience. We have established it in order to facilitate a larger attendance at worship services, which enables more people[1] to fulfill the mitzvah of tefilah betzibur, the traditional Jewish preference for public over private prayer.[2] Yet alongside this positive goal, our late starting times ensure that the congregation will recite the central rubrics of the morning liturgy – the shema and the tefilah – at an hour later than is prescribed for them according to the codified halakhah. This fact might lead to two conclusions. On the one hand, it might suggest that our prayers, because we say them “late,” are invalid in the eyes of Jewish law. On the other hand, it might raise the suspicion that Reform Judaism is indifferent to the question of proper times for prayer, which would mean that it is of no consequence whether this synagogue schedules its morning service at 11:30 AM, at noon, or even later.

Both these conclusions, in our view, are erroneous. To establish this point, we want first to consider the general issue: does the Jewish legal and liturgical tradition offer support for our minhag to begin services late in the morning? We will then turn to the case at hand: given that we do begin our services during the late morning, do we nonetheless recognize a time limit, a terminus ad quem beyond which a morning service should not begin? And if so, should we insist upon that time limit in a difficult case such as this one?

  1. The Morning Shema. The shema, according to our Rabbinic tradition, is to be recited “when you lie down and when you rise up” (Deuteronomy 6:7), that is, in the evening and in the morning.[3] Although the precise time for the recitation of the morning shema is the subject of a dispute in the Mishnah,[4] the settled halakhah is that one must recite it by the end of “the third hour” of the day, the time by which the vast majority of the community have “arisen” from sleep.[5] The hour to which our sources refer is a “temporal hour” (sha`ah zemanit), that is, a segment consisting of one-twelfth of the period of daylight on a particular day. Thus, the “end of the third hour” is equivalent to the first quarter of the daylight period.[6] As we note above, few Reform congregations ever recite the shema before that time.

The tradition, however, is more complex than the above might indicate. For one thing, although one should recite the morning shema before the end of the third hour, it is not forbidden to recite it afterwards. The Mishnah states that “one who recites it (after the third hour) loses nothing; he is as one who reads (the shema) in the Torah,” fulfilling the mitzvah of Torah study if not the mitzvah of reciting the shema at its proper time.[7] Moreover, one is encouraged to recite the shema even though one has missed its “deadline,” for “it is good to accept upon oneself the yoke of the Kingdom of Heaven” at any time of day.[8]Maimonides declares that if one has not recited the shema before the end of the third hour, one may recite it along with its accompanying blessings (Yotzer Or, Ahavah Rabah, and Emet Ve-yatziv)[9] throughout the day.[10] Other scholars do not go so far, but they nonetheless allow the recitation of the shema and its accompanying blessings until noon, the latest acceptable time for the recitation of the tefilah (see below).[11] Although these rulings are controversial,[12] they raise the possibility that the entire day is the “proper time” for the fulfillment of the mitzvah.[13] This interpretation is suggested by R. Yosef Karo, the author of the Shulchan Arukh, in his commentary to Rambam’s Mishneh Torah. In Karo’s view, Rambam holds that the “by the end of the third hour” rule is a Rabbinic stringency imposed upon the basic Toraitic (de’oraita) standard, which requires only that the shema be said during the daytime, the time of “rising up.”[14]

Most authorities do not accept this interpretation of Maimonides; for them, the “proper time” for reciting the morning shema, even according to the Torah, is the first quarter of the day.[15] Yet the undeniable existence of this interpretation, along with the fact that it is not forbidden to recite the shema and its blessings after the end of the third hour, offers support for our Reform practice to recite the shema after 10:00 AM. Given the positive reasons for which we schedule our services later in the morning, we believe that we stand upon solid traditional ground.

  1. The Morning Tefilah. The Mishnah records the following dispute: “The morning tefilah (tefilat hashachar) is recited until noon; Rabbi Yehudah says it is recited until the end of the fourth hour.”[16] The argument centers over a disagreement as to when the tamid shel shachar, the public morning sacrifice brought daily in the Temple, was offered at noon or by the end of the fourth hour.[17] The halakhah is decided according to R. Yehudah;[18] hence, the morning tefilah must be recited before the end of the first third of the daytime. Again, many Reform services would miss this deadline, reciting the tefilah later than its set time. On the other hand, one who recites the tefilah after the fourth hour but before noon – the mid-point of the daylight hours – fulfills the mitzvah of prayer, even though he or she does not achieve the merit of praying at the set time.[19] Reform congregations do recite the tefilah prior to noon.

Further, we would note that the traditional set times for the tefilot are not relevant in a Reform Jewish context. Each of the fixed prayers – shacharit, minchah, arvit, and musaf – is scheduled to correspond to a sacrifice or a related event at the ancient Temple.[20] Reform Judaism has long since abandoned this connection.[21] We have instead returned to a different, earlier understanding of prayer times,[22] one that schedules prayer not according to activities in the Temple but according to “astronomical” criteria, to the time of day. The Talmud itself cites Daniel’s custom to pray three times daily and suggests with the Psalmist that these times are “evening, morning, and afternoon.”[23] We pray at these times of day, in other words, not because our ancestors brought sacrifices at those hours but because they are regarded as natural and proper times to turn to God with words of praise and supplication. If morning is one of those times, then we should define it in the way it is customarily defined in our culture, not by its association with the tamid shel shachar: “morning” is that part of the day prior to noon. And as we have noted, we begin our services later in the morning in order to enable more people to attend them and to fulfill the mitzvah of public prayer.

  1. Service Times and Exceptional Circumstances. Our Reform custom to hold services in the late morning is therefore a valid expression of Jewish liturgical tradition, reflecting both its letter and its spirit. Our discussion implies, however, that our morning service at any rate be held in the morning, a requirement that would seem to pose a hardship to the family at the center of our she’elah. Can their special needs be satisfied within a principled understanding of our own Reform liturgical practice? We offer the following comments and suggestions.

(1) The set schedule for synagogue services should not be altered for the convenience of individual members. It is especially important to make this point in connection with the observance of Bar/Bat Mitzvah, a minhag that tends to overwhelm the regular weekly observance of Shabbat in our congregations. The Shabbat service is a synagogue service, a communal event, and not a private simchah.[24] To change the starting time for the benefit of the Bat Mitzvah’s family would tend to give the opposite impression.

(2) In this case, however, the congregation does not have a regular Shabbat morning service. The community assembles on Saturday mornings, at either 10:00 AM or 11:00 AM, only when the service is held in conjunction with a Bar/Bat Mitzvah observance. Given that these services by their nature are special events, there would be no objection to scheduling them later than the usual starting time, provided that they remain morning services, that is, the congregation should be able to recite both the shema and the tefilah before noon. This suggests a starting time of no later than 11:30 AM.

(3) If the grandfather cannot be brought to the synagogue by that hour, the service might pause briefly between the tefilah and the Torah reading in order to give him time to arrive.[25]

(4) Alternately, the Bat Mitzvah observance might be scheduled at minchah.[26] Although the family feels that a Shabbat morning service is a more “rewarding” experience, a bit of liturgical creativity can lend a similar feel to the minchah service. The young person might read a bit more Torah than is normally read at minchah,[27] and she may also recite her haftarah, albeit without the blessings.[28]

(5) Finally, all the above applies only if it is truly impossible or unfeasible for the grandfather to be awakened early to be brought to the synagogue. In the event that he can arrive by the normal starting time, we should not delay the beginning of services.

This last point deserves emphasis. We want to do everything we can to respond to this family’s special situation. At the same time, a large part of becoming a Bat Mitzvah is the acceptance of Jewish communal responsibilities. One of those responsibilities is to participate in the religious rituals of the community, observances that are created by our tradition and defined by a set of rules. Among these rules are the set times for the recitation of the shema and the tefilah. There is flexibility in the way we interpret and apply these rules, but because the rules possess substance and meaning for us, there are limits to that flexibility. This is a reality that should be recognized by all members of the community, including the bat mitzvah and her family on her special day.

NOTES

  1. “A numerous people is the glory of the king” (Proverbs 14:28). From this, the Sages infer that it is better to pray in a larger rather than in a smaller assembly. See Berakhot 53a and Megilah 27b; Magen Avraham, Orach Chayim 90, no. 15; Mishnah Berurah, Orach Chayim 687, no. 7.
  2. “‘May my prayer to You be at a time of favor’ (Psalms 69:14). When is this ‘time of favor’? When the community prays together”; Berakhot 7b-8a. Thus, “one must join the community to pray, and one must not pray alone when one is able to pray with a congregation”; Yad, Tefilah 8:1 See also Shulchan Arukh Orach Chayim 90:9.
  3. See Berakhot 1:3. As we shall see, the word “morning” may not be precise; it may be permissible to recite the Shema at any time during daylight hours. Still, the sources all speak of keri’at shema shel shacharit, that is, the morning shema.
  4. Berakhot 1:2. The other opinion in the Mishnah holds that the shema must be recited by sunrise. This is now recognized as the standard of the “vatikin” (i.e., those who are particularly stringent in their observance of the mitzvot; Bartenura to M. Berakhot 3:5 and M. Dema’i 6:6) rather than the standard applied to all. Since sunrise is the earliest time that the tefilah may be recited, those who are particularly strict seek to recite the shema right at sunrise, so that the two rubrics may be recited together (B. Berakhot 9b: keday sheyismokh ge’ulah letefilah).
  5. Berakhot 10b (Shmuel declares that the halakhah follows the viewpoint of R. Yehudah in the Mishnah); Yad, Keri’at Shema 1:11; Shulchan Arukh Orach Chayim 58:1.
  6. Shulchan Arukh loc. cit. On the sha`ah zemanit, see Rambam’s commentary to Berakhot 1:2. Some authorities rule that we begin to measure these twelve temporal hours at dawn (see Magen Avraham, Orach Chayim 58, no. 1), while others say that the daytime for this purpose begins with sunrise (Bi’ur HaGRA, Orach Chayim 459, no. 2).
  7. Berakhot 1:2; Yad, Keri’at Shema 1:12 and Tur, Orach Chayim 58.
  8. Mishnah Berurah, Orach Chayim 58, no. 27.
  9. Berakhot 1:4. “Ahavah Rabah” is the name of the second berakhah in the Ashkenazic rite; Sefardim begin that benediction with the words Ahavat Olam, as they (and all other rites) do in the evening.
  10. Yad, Keri’at Shema 1:13. The Talmud (Berakhot 10b) explains the Mishnaic phrase “one who recites it (after the third hour) loses nothing” as: one does not lose the opportunity to say the benedictions that accompany the shema. Rambam cites this explanation in his Commentary to Berakhot 1:2. See also Sefer HaChinukh, mitzvah 420.
  11. Chidushey HaRashba, Berakhot 10b, citing “Tosafot”, and Mishnah Berurah, Orach Chayim 58, in Bi’ur Halakhah, s.v. kor’ah belo birkhoteha.
  12. Most authorities hold that it is forbidden to recite the accompanying blessings of the shema after the end of the fourth hour – e., one-third – of the day. This ruling is attributed to Hai Gaon; see Hilkhot HaRosh, Berakhot 1:10 and Chidushey HaRashba, Berakhot 10b, who explain that Hai arrives at his “fourth hour” limit by linking the shema to the tefilah, which according to the accepted halakhah (see below) is to be recited by the end of the fourth hour. The Tur and the Shulchan Arukh, Orach Chayim 58:6 adopt this position as well, as do “most of the acharonim” (the authorities who have flourished since the publication of the Shulchan Arukh); see Mishnah Berurah, Orach Chayim 58, in Bi’ur Halakhah, s.v. kor’ah belo birkhoteha.
  13. The theory is that, were it unacceptable to recite the shema past the third (or fourth) hour, it would be forbidden to recite the blessings. A blessing recited at an inappropriate time is considered a berakhah levatalah, quite possibly an instance of taking God’s name in vain (see note 26, below). A number of the authorities cited in the preceding note make this very point in limiting the recitation of the blessings to the fourth hour or to noontime.
  14. Kesef Mishnah, Keri’at Shema 1:13. This interpretation proceeds from a consideration of the evening shema. Although the settled halakhah is that one must recite the evening shema before midnight, this is understood to be a Rabbinic stringency. As far as the Torah law is concerned, one fulfills one’s obligation by reciting the shema at any time during the night, because the entire night is “the time of lying down” ( Berakhot 1:1; Yad, Keri’at Shema 1:9). Karo posits that the same is true for the morning shema: if beshokhbekha means “all night long,” then uvekumekha means “all day long.” Though the Rabbis have introduced their stringency, the Torah would permit the recitation of the shema throughout the “time of rising up,” i.e., the entire daytime period.
  15. Both Magen Avraham (Orach Chayim 58, no. 7) and Turey Zahav (Orach Chayim 58, no. 4) reject Karo’s interpretation of the Torah’s language uvekumekha, “and when you rise up.” This, they say, does not mean “when you are awake” but rather “when you arise from sleep,” e., during the early part of the morning. By contrast, beshokhbekha, “and when you lie down,” can be and is interpreted to mean “when you are in bed,” i.e., the entire night. Magen Avraham notes that this insight is adopted by the earlier Sefer HaChinukh, mitzvah 420. See also R. Chizkiyah Da Silva (17th-cent. Eretz Yisrael), Peri Chadash to Orach Chayim 58, no. 1, for a detailed refutation of Karo’s theory.
  16. Berakhot 4:1. The phrase ad arba sha`ot is translated “until the end of the fourth hour” according to the Talmud’s conclusion at B. Berakhot 27a.
  17. Berakhot 26b; Tosefta Berakhot 3:1.
  18. Berakhot 27a: the halakhah follows the individual opinion of R. Yehudah against the anonymous viewpoint because M. Eduyot 6:1 supports his position. See Yad, Tefilah 3:1 and Shulchan Arukh Orach Chayim 89:1.
  19. See Yad and Shulchan Arukh, loc. cit.
  20. According to the baraita in support of R. Yehoshua ben Levi in B. Berakhot 26b and Tosefta Berakhot 3:1. Although no sacrifice was offered at night, the baraita notes that the internal organs that had been placed upon the fire for the minchah offering were consumed at that time. The ne`ilah prayer on Yom Kippur corresponds to the “closing of the gates” of the Temple at the end of the day; Ta`anit 4:1; Tosefta Berakhot 3:2.
  21. Witness to this is our omission of the musaf Musaf, more than any other prayer, expresses the traditional link between tefilah and the sacrifices. Indeed, it is seen as the fulfillment of Hosea 14:3: “instead of bulls, we will pay the offering of our lips”; Tosafot, Berakhot 26a, s.v. i’ba`aya.
  22. Relevant here is a baraita in Berakhot 26b, cited in support of R. Yose b. R. Chanina, who holds that “the Patriarchs established the times for prayer.” This position is not the “officially” accepted narrative for the origins of the daily cycle for prayer (see Yad, Tefilah 1:5), quite possibly because it does not account for the establishment of musaf. It does show, however, that the tradition is not unanimous in determining the prayer times in accordance with the daily schedule at the Temple.
  23. Berakhot 31a, on Daniel 6:11 and Psalms 55:18.
  24. On this point, see our responsum no. 5758.9, “Transporting a Torah Scroll to a Private Bat Mitzvah Ceremony,” and responsum no. 5762.6, “Bar/Bat Mitzvah on a Festival,”
  25. Aside form its being part of the “morning” service, there is no set hour for the reading of Torah on Shabbat. But while it would be permissible to read Torah later than 12:00 noon, those organizing the service must be cognizant of tircha detzibura, the possibility that the delay will be a burden upon the congregation.
  26. In most cases, we discourage the practice of holding Bar/Bat Mitzvah observances at Shabbat minchah (see the responsa in the preceding note). The reason is that most of our congregations do not hold a regular weekly Shabbat minchah service, so that the Bar/Bat Mitzvah observance would perforce be a private rather than a public, congregational event. In this case, where even the Shabbat morning service would be held only when a Bar/Bat Mitzvah is being observed, the distinction between shacharit and minchah.
  27. The minchah reading normally consists of ten verses from the parashah of the subsequent Shabbat; Bava Kama 82a, Shulchan Arukh Orach Chayim 292:1.
  28. Since the haftarah is normally not read on Shabbat at minchah, the recitation of the blessings would be an instance of berakhah levatalah or “an unnecessary berakhah,” and it is forbidden to recite a blessing when one is not required to do so. See Encyclopedia Talmudit, v. 4, 280-285. There is no objection, however, to reading from the Prophets without the berakhot.

 

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

NARR 26-27

CCAR RESPONSA

New American Reform Responsa

15. A Televised Jewish Service in a Hospital

QUESTION: A neighboring hospital which does not have a Jewish chaplain has decided to make televised shabbat and holiday services available to Jewish patients. The services would be provided on a cable channel and be transmitted several times on the appropriate day. Is it permissible to provide a religious service in this fashion to bedridden patients? May a morning service be shown at another time of the day? (Karen Halperin, Boston MA)ANSWER: A public service requires a minyan, but that is not possible for those who are ill and who may pray individually, they should be encouraged to do so. We may properly consider the service broadcast over the cable network as a stimulus to individual prayer. Those who are capable of participating in prayer at the same time as the broadcasts occur should do so with their own prayerbook, and perhaps with members of the family present to be part of that private service. Certainly such prayer would be much enhanced by being part of a larger group through television. Furthermore, for those individuals who are very ill and therefore unable to use a prayerbook, a broadcast service may lead them to direct their thoughts toward prayer. Previously such services could only be broadcast directly from a synagogue and there were Orthodox objections which dealt with the shabbat prohibitions (Mishpetei Uziel Orah Hayim #5,21). We, however, are dealing with a prerecorded and presumably abridged service and in any case we as Reform Jews would have no objection to recording such a service on shabbat or on the holidays. The Orthodox could record such a service on another day when there would be no objection. As far as broadcasting the service a number of times in the day, we should ask the hospital to limit the broadcast of a morning service to the morning hours. It should be possible for almost all the patients to listen to a complete service during that time, and therefore to have a feeling that they are participating in a service at the appropriate time of the day. The broadcast of such services should be encouraged as a way of enabling Jewish patients who are seriously ill to participate in religious services.October 1989

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

RR21 no. 5766.2

CCAR RESPONSA

5766.2

When A Parent Requests Cremation

She’elah

A man, who is approaching death, has instructed that his body be cremated. His children are very uncomfortable with this request. They ask whether, under Jewish tradition, they are obliged to honor it, or are they entitled to bury him intact, in contradiction to his express wishes? Rabbi Solomon B. Freehof has ruled that in such a case we apply the Talmudic dictum “it is a mitzvah to fulfill the wishes of the deceased” (B. Gitin 40a and elsewhere). I wonder, however, if a more nuanced approach is better suited to a case such as this, where the children have strong religious objections to their father’s instruction? (Rabbi David Katz, Binghamton, NY)

Teshuvah

In the responsum that our sho’el mentions, Rabbi Freehof rules that “we should urge” the family to carry out a father’s wish to be cremated.[1] He acknowledges that the principle “it is a mitzvah to fulfill the wishes of the deceased” is not absolute; we are in fact forbidden to fulfill the wishes of the deceased if he or she instructs us to commit a transgression against Jewish law.[2] Thus, an Orthodox rabbi would surely rule against the request: “since cremation is contrary to Jewish law, the man’s wish contravenes the law and may not be carried out.” However, since the question has been posed to a Reform rabbi, “the answer cannot be so clear-cut.” For us, cremation does not necessarily “contravene the law”; the Central Conference of American Rabbis (CCAR) resolved in 1892 that “in case we should be invited to officiate” at a cremation, “we ought not to refuse on the plea that cremation be anti-Jewish or irreligious.”[3] Rabbi Freehof notes that there is no clear and obvious prohibition against cremation in the sources of Jewish law and that “the Orthodox agitation against cremation actually began about a century ago” in response to the growing movement toward cremation in Western societies. Indeed, “when one studies the (Orthodox) arguments adduced against cremation, one can see that they are forced.” On this basis, Rabbi Freehof concludes that Reform Jews can have no principled religious objections to cremation. In the instant case, unless the man’s family is Orthodox, we should counsel them to honor his instruction. “Surely, if we officiate at a cremation, we cannot refrain from fulfilling or encouraging the fulfillment of a man’s wish for this type of disposal of his body.”

We have quoted at length from Rabbi Freehof’s responsum because we do not want to minimize the challenge that faces us. Our sho’el is asking that we rule against our teacher, and we are ordinarily reluctant to do so.[4] We would argue, though, that the times demand a different response. For one thing, the situation is no longer “so clear-cut”; the Reform position on cremation is more complex today than it was when Rabbi Freehof wrote his teshuvah. We also think that our attitude toward the maintenance and encouragement of traditional forms of Jewish observance has changed quite a bit over the last several decades. For these reasons, we hold that the children in this case may well be entitled to act upon their own religious beliefs and not to fulfill their father’s request.

In order to make this argument, we shall have to consider, first of all, the attitude of Jewish law and tradition toward cremation as a means of the disposal of human remains. We shall then look at the developing Reform Jewish attitude toward cremation as expressed in the literature of the CCAR. Finally, we shall consider this particular case in the context of Jewish tradition, Reform Jewish practice, and the ethical obligations that the children may owe to their dying father.

1. Cremation in Jewish Law. There is no explicit requirement in the Biblical text that the dead be buried rather than cremated. The sources make clear that burial was the normative practice in ancient Israel,[5]  but nowhere do we find an express prohibition of the burning of the corpse. The Rabbis understand burial to be a requirement of Torah law, derived from Deuteronomy 21:23.[6] Maimonides codifies the law as follows: “If the deceased gave instructions that his body not be buried, we ignore him, inasmuch as burial is a mitzvah, as the Torah says (Deut. 21:23), ‘you shall surely bury him.’”[7] Yet like the Bible, the Talmud and the classical halakhic literature contain no explicit prohibition of cremation. The subject seems almost never to have come up, most likely because cremation was simply not practiced by the Jews and no one thought to ask whether it was permitted or forbidden.[8] The silence lasted until the nineteenth century, “when cremation became an ideal that was agitated for through many societies in the western lands.”[9] At that time, the leading halakhic authorities condemned cremation as a transgression against Jewish law, an opinion that remains the consensus viewpoint.[10] This prohibitive opinion rests primarily on two halakhic grounds. First, cremation does not fulfill the commandment to bury the dead, based as we have seen on Deuteronomy 21:23. Burial of the cremains would not rectify this, since the mitzvah of burial applies to the body itself and not to its ashes.[11] Second, Jewish tradition mandates kevod hamet, that we treat the corpse with honor and respect, and it regards the burning of a body as an act of nivul (or bizayon) hamet, contemptible treatment of a corpse.[12] Other arguments include the prohibition against imitating Gentile customs (chukot hagoyim)[13] and the contention that cremation is tantamount to an act of heresy in that it denies the belief in techiyat hametim, the physical resurrection of the dead.[14]

These arguments may or may not be “forced,” as Rabbi Freehof describes them. Some of them may be more persuasive than others. What is certain, though, is that Orthodox authorities are united in the opinion that cremation violates traditional Jewish law, an opinion shared by Conservative[15] and Reform[16] writers.

2. Cremation in the Literature of the CCAR. Our Conference has published a number of statements with respect to cremation.

a. The 1892 resolution, referred to above, declares that “in case we should be invited to officiate as ministers of religion at the cremation of a departed co-religionist, we ought not to refuse on the plea that cremation be anti-Jewish or anti-religion.”[17] The resolution followed upon the report of a special committee, chaired by Rabbi Bernard Felsenthal, that had been appointed to study the issue. The report made two essential points. First, it demonstrated at some length that the practice of cremation was contrary to Jewish law and tradition.[18] Second, it sought to avoid the substantive issue of whether to endorse cremation as a method for disposal of human remains. “The writer of this does not wish to be understood that he pleads for cremation. He also does not oppose it.” Since a rabbi is not “a competent expert” in the matter of whether cremation is “preferable” to burial, the only motion “in order in a rabbinical conference” is one that calls upon rabbis, whatever their position concerning cremation, to provide pastoral care for those of their people who do choose the procedure.[19]

b. The 1961 Rabbi’s Manual, recounting the 1892 resolution, states: “Since that time, most Reform Jews have gone beyond this cautious tolerance and have accepted cremation as an entirely proper procedure. A number of leading Reform rabbis have requested that their bodies be cremated.”[20] In its section on funeral liturgy the Manual contains a prayer suggested for recitation when “the body is to be cremated.”[21]

c. The 1974 responsum of Rabbi Freehof discussed at the beginning of our teshuvah.

d. Gates of Mitzvah, a guide to Reform Jewish life-cycle observance published in 1979, stresses that “while both cremation and entombment in mausoleums are acceptable in Reform Judaism, burial is the normative Jewish practice.”

e. In1980 the CCAR Responsa Committee appended a comment to the 1892 resolution. It notes that the resolution “remains unchallenged policy within our Conference,” but adds: “In this generation of the Holocaust we are sensitive to terrible images associated with the burning of a body. Rabbis may, therefore, choose to discourage the option of cremation. The practice remains permissible, however, for our families.”[22]

f. The current Rabbi’s Manual, published in 1988, states: “We continue to stress that burial is the time-honored Jewish way of disposing of the dead… However, the practice of cremation has lately spread, for a number of reasons. We would reiterate that it ought to be discouraged if possible, especially in our generation which has seen the murderous dispatch of millions of our people by way of crematoria. If, however, cremation has been decided upon by the family, we should not refuse to officiate. It is suggested in such cases that the service be held at an appropriate place and not at a crematorium.”

g. A 1990 responsum notes: “Reform Jewish practice permits cremation… although… we would, after the Holocaust, generally discourage it because of the tragic overtones.”[23]

The record of these statements suggests a perceptible shift of attitude toward cremation within North American Reform Judaism during recent decades. While our earlier pronouncements accept cremation as permissible or even as “entirely proper,” the Conference since 1979 has pulled back from that affirmative stance. Although acknowledging that the 1892 resolution remains on the books and that Reform Jewish practice “permits” cremation, our more recent statements call upon rabbis to actively “discourage” the practice. This negative position is based upon two threads of argument: that burial is the normative traditional Jewish practice and that, after the Holocaust, cremation has become associated with one of the darkest periods in Jewish and human history.

These threads of argument, in turn, reflect two important transformations in the way that many Reform Jews have come to think about their religious lives and decisions. The first has to do with the positive reevaluation of “tradition.” In the past, the fact that a particular observance was “traditional” or accepted Jewish practice did not in and of itself recommend that observance to Reform Jews. Indeed, we were quite ready to dispense with any such practices that were “not adapted to the views and habits of modern civilization” and that “fail to impress the modern Jew with a spirit of priestly holiness.”[24] It is for this reason that Rabbi Felsenthal could argue both that cremation was a transgression against traditional Jewish law and that this fact was irrelevant to Reform Jewish thinking on the subject:

Joseph Qaro’s Code is of no obligatory authority to you. The Talmud is of no obligatory authority to you. Even the laws of the Bible as such are of no obligatory authority to you… Shall we for the sake of the living inquire of the dead? Shall we for the sake of the living open the old folios, and submit to what they have said hundreds of years ago under quite different conditions of life? Shall we learn there whether or not cremation is in accord with the spirit of Judaism?[25]

Rabbi Felsenthal’s words remain an eloquent expression of a central article of Reform Jewish faith. To this day, we affirm our right to define the “spirit of Judaism” and to abandon, alter, or replace old practices that we no longer find religiously meaningful. In this view, we cannot declare to Reform Jews that cremation ought to be forbidden solely because it runs counter to the halakhah or to the customs of our ancestors.

In recent decades, however, a new attitude has taken hold within our community. We have described it as follows:

(M)any of us have reclaimed ritual observances abandoned by previous generations of Reform Jews, from the generous use of Hebrew in the liturgy, to the wearing of kipah, talit and tefilin, to the dietary laws (kashrut), to the ceremonies surrounding marriage and conversion. These examples – and more could be cited – testify that our approach to traditional ritual practice differs significantly from that of our predecessors. This difference stems, no doubt, from the divergent religious agenda that we have set for ourselves. If our predecessors regarded their acculturation into the surrounding society as a predominant objective, we who benefit from the social and political gains that they achieved are more concerned with taking active measures to preserve our distinctive Jewishness. Thus, where they may have viewed many ritual observances as barriers to social integration and as obstructions to “modern spiritual elevation,” we may find them an appropriate and desirable expression of our Jewish consciousness.[26]

This is what we mean by the positive reevaluation of “tradition.” The point is not that traditional practices exert, to use Rabbi Felsenthal’s words, “obligatory authority” upon us. The point, rather, is that we take the Bible, the Talmud, and even “Joseph Qaro’s Code” more seriously than we did in his day as positive influences upon our own religious behavior. We are now more inclined than ever before to adopt or to preserve a ritual observance precisely because it is “Jewish.” We are more likely to regard a practice’s traditional pedigree as a reason for maintaining it, especially when there are no compelling moral or aesthetic arguments against that practice. We are therefore today more likely – though not obligated – to oppose cremation on the grounds that burial is a mitzvah, the “normative” Jewish way of disposing of human remains.

 

We might in a similar way explain our differences over whether cremation constitutes an act of nivul hamet (contemptible treatment of a corpse). A Reform Jew is certainly entitled to define this term in a way that is “adapted to the views and habits of modern civilization.” Cremation is widely accepted in Western culture as an honorable way of treating human remains. We are therefore under no obligation to regard it as an act of nivul hamet solely because some rabbinic texts portray it as such. Yet to say that we are not obligated to adopt the traditional definition does not entail that we are forbidden to do so. It is true that concepts such as “honor” and “disgrace” do not admit of objective definition. All this means, however, is that such terms can only be defined from within a particular social context; to reach these definitions, we must choose to work within a particular culture’s set of values and affirmations. The particular culture that is Jewish tradition declares the burning of the corpse to be an act of nivul or bizayon. A Reform Jew today who finds special and satisfying meaning in the values and affirmations of Jewish tradition is thus entitled – though, again, not obligated – to adopt this definition precisely because it flows from the religious and cultural heritage of our people.

 

The second transformation in our religious thinking concerns our sensitivity to the experience of the Shoah (Holocaust). There is, to be sure, all the difference in the world between the Nazi crematoria and the freely-made choice of cremation for ourselves and our loved ones. We should, moreover, be wary of invoking the memory of the Shoah as a facile justification for decisions concerning religious practice.[27] Yet for all that, the Jewish world is a different place now, “after Auschwitz,” than it was before. Neither we nor our religious consciousness has emerged unchanged from our confrontation with that event. And one such change, as the recent statements of our Conference affirm, has to do with our attitude toward the machinery of cremation. The images of fire, ovens, and smokestacks, which we recall so vividly when we contemplate the mass murder of our people, can and do persuade many liberal Jews that today, after Auschwitz, the consigning of our dead to the flames is not the proper Jewish way to honor them.[28]

 

We emphasize that we are dealing here with general trends. To speak of transformations in our religious thinking is to describe what is happening within large segments of the Reform Jewish community rather than to prescribe a correct course of action in a specific instance. Not all Reform Jews are affected in the same way by these trends, and not every Reform Jew will draw from them the same conclusions concerning his or her religious observance. As a noted jurist once remarked, “General propositions do not decide concrete cases.”[29] Yet in this particular concrete case, the Conference has moved decisively away from its previous acceptance of cremation. The members of this Committee reiterate this stance. Although we, like our more recent predecessors, continue to acknowledge that the 1892 resolution remains the formal policy of the CCAR, we would continue to call upon our rabbis to discourage the practice of cremation among our people. We do so for three primary reasons. First, burial is the normative traditional Jewish practice; as such, it is a mitzvah that exerts a strong persuasive force upon us. Second, we note the absence of convincing moral or aesthetic objections to the practice of traditional burial that would move us to abandon it.[30] Finally, we concur with our predecessors that today, after the Shoah, the symbolism of cremation is profoundly disturbing to us as Jews.

 

3. The Question Before Us. How should the children of whom our she’elah speaks respond to their father’s request? Considering all the above, we would counsel the following.

 

a. The North American Reform movement does not regard cremation as a “sin.” The 1892 resolution of the CCAR calls upon rabbis to officiate at cremation services, and despite our reservations concerning cremation, we hold that the procedure does not “contravene the law.” Therefore, the children are not forbidden to honor this request, and they may arrange for cremation in response to the mitzvah to honor our parents and to the dictum that we should seek to fulfill the wishes of the deceased.

 

b. Nonetheless, the children are not obligated to honor their father’s request. The CCAR discourages the choice of cremation; it supports the choice of traditional burial; and Reform thought today recognizes the right of our people to adopt traditional standards of religious practice that previous generations of Reform Jews may have abandoned. The commandment to honor one’s parents does not apply in such a case, for a parent is not entitled to compel his or her children to violate their sincerely held Judaic religious principles.[31] Thus, when a Reform Jew has serious and substantive religious objections to cremation, he or she may refuse a loved one’s request for it.

 

c. By “traditional burial,” we do not mean to endorse many of the practices that, although associated with burial in the public mind, would be deemed as excessive or inappropriate by many of us. Among these are such elaborate and unnecessary steps as embalming, expensive caskets, and the like. Jewish tradition emphasizes simplicity and modesty in burial practices; individuals should not feel driven to choose cremation in order to avoid the expense and elaborate display that all too often accompany contemporary burial.[32]

 

d. It is essential that families speak about such matters openly, honestly, and before the approach of death. When the child fails explicitly to say “no” to a parent’s request for cremation, the parent will justifiably think that the child has agreed to carry out that instruction. In such a case, the child quite likely has made an implied promise to the parent and thus bears an ethical responsibility to keep it. Therefore, if the children have objections to cremation, they should make their feelings known to their parents sooner – much sooner – rather than later.

NOTES

1.         “Family Disagreement Over Cremation,” Contemporary Reform Responsa (1974), no. 51.

 

2.         See the midrash cited in  B. Yevamot 5b. Leviticus 19:3 says: “Each of you shall revere his mother and father, and you shall keep my Sabbaths.” The midrash explains that the second clause comes to limit the scope of the first: we “revere” our parents (i.e., we fulfill their wishes) so long as they do not instruct us to contravene the laws of the Torah, of which Shabbat is an example. See also Yad, Mamrim 6:12 and Shulchan Arukh Yoreh De`ah 240:15.

 

3.         American Reform Responsa (ARR), no. 100 (http://data.ccarnet.org/cgi-bin/respdisp.pl?file=100&year=arr). A much more complete version of the debate that led to the adoption of this resolution can be found in CCAR Yearbook 3 (1893), 53-68.

 

4.         We have on occasion differed with Rabbi Freehof. Often, this is due to transformations in the religious outlook of Reform Jews from his day to ours. Such changes are inevitable over the course of time, so that by responding to them we do not believe that we do any dishonor to Rabbi Freehof’s teachings or to his accomplishments in the field of Reform responsa, a genre he did so much to develop. In fact, we think he would be pleased that we, his successors, continue his work in the spirit of free and critical inquiry, an ideal which he always championed and to which our movement has long pledged loyalty. On the other hand, we are aware that were he with us Rabbi Freehof would no doubt offer cogent responses to our objections. We don’t do this lightly; after all, as the Talmud cautions, “do not contradict the lion after his death” (B. Gitin 83a-b).

 

5.         “There is no evidence that corpses were cremated in Palestine, except in days long before the coming of the Israelites, or among groups of foreigners; the Israelites never practiced it”; Roland de Vaux, Ancient Israel (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965), volume 1, 57. See also Encyclopedia Mikra’it, v. 7, 4-5: “it is clear that (cremation) was not generally practiced.” This doesn’t mean that it never happened. Amos 6:10 speaks of the mesaref who comes to the house during time of plague to collect the bones of the dead, presumably for burning (s-r-f). Scholars, however, are unsure of the precise explanation of the term; see F. I. Anderson and D. N. Freeman, The Anchor Bible: Amos (New York: Doubleday, 1989), 572, 574. Then there is the burning of the corpses of Saul and his sons by the men of Yavesh-Gilead (I Samuel 31:12-13). This detail causes some obvious perplexity and embarrassment to later writers; the Chronicler (I Chron. 10:12) omits it entirely, and the traditional Jewish commentators are at pains to explain it away. From this, we can learn two important points: first, that cremation was not unheard of in ancient Israel, and second, that later Jewish tradition did not derive any positive support for the practice of cremation from these isolated references.

 

6.         Although that verse speaks of the body of an executed offender, its requirement of burial is interpreted to apply to all the dead. See B. Sanhedrin 46b, which cites the verse as a remez(a hint; an indication) to the fact that burial is a Toraitic obligation.

 

7.         Yad, Avel 12:1. See also Rambam’s Sefer Hamitzvot, pos. comm. no. 231. In the Talmud (B. Sanhedrin 46b) we find a dispute over whether the purpose of burial is to safeguard the corpse from contemptible treatment (mishum bizyona) or to effect atonement (kaparah) for the deceased. If the latter is the case, the Talmud suggests that the deceased would be within his rights to instruct his heirs not to bury him, since he is entitled to refuse atonement for himself. The dispute is not firmly resolved (Hilkhot Harosh, Sanhedrin 6:2); therefore, say some authorities, we ought to rule strictly and require burial, inasmuch as the Torah mentions it (Sefer Or Zaru`a, Hilkhot Avelut, ch. 422). R. Yosef Karo (Kesef Mishneh, Hilkhot Avel 12:1 and Beit Yosef, Yoreh De`ah 348) arrives at a similar conclusion, which he attributes to Nachmanides. The Lechem Mishneh (Yad, Avel 12:1) argues that this dispute is relevant only for those who hold that the mitzvah of burial is of Rabbinic origin. Maimonides, quite clearly, holds that it is a Toraitic commandment. In any event, we find no evidence in the traditional halakhah that one is in fact entitled to instruct his heirs not to bury him.

8.         In the 13th century, R. Shelomo ben Adret permitted mourners, who wanted to transport their father to a family plot, to put quicklime on the corpse in order that the flesh be consumed rapidly and to spare it the dishonor (bizayon) of rotting (Resp. Rashba 1:369; see Isserles, Yoreh De`ah 363:2). Does this serve as a precedent to allow cremation? Most likely, the answer is no. For one thing, not everyone would be persuaded that fire is analogous to quicklime. For another, subsequent interpreters have limited Rashba’s decision to precisely this sort of case: the exhumation and transport of a corpse for permanent burial. See the 18th-century R. Ya`akov Reischer (Resp. Shevut Ya`akov 2:97), who permits quicklime in a case where the alternative to transporting the corpse would be to bury it in a place where it could not be protected and would necessarily suffer bizayon. See also Arukh Hashulchan, Yoreh De`ah 363, par. 2. This line of thinking, in other words, deals with exceptional circumstances and not to the use of cremation as a regular means of disposing of human remains.

 

9.         Freehof (see note 1), at 230. Does this mean, as Rabbi Freehof suggests, that cremation is considered a transgression only because of the 19th-century Orthodox “agitation” against it? Not necessarily. It is just as likely that cremation would have been explicitly prohibited had the question been raised during the 17th century, or the 13th, or earlier. The question was not considered until the practice became widespread in the West.

 

10.       R. Yitzchak Shmelkes, Resp. Beit Yitzchak, Yoreh De`ah 2:155; R. David Zvi Hoffmann, Resp. Melamed Leho`il, 2:113-114; R. Chaim Ozer Grodzinsky, Resp. Achiezer 3:72; R. Avraham Yitzchak Hakohen Kook, Resp. Da`at Kohen, no. 197; R. Ya`akov Breisch, Resp. Chelkat Ya`akov, Yoreh De`ah, no. 203; R. Yekutiel Greenwald, Kol Bo `al Avelut, 53-54; R. Yechiel M. Tykocinski, Gesher Hachayim 16:9.

 

11.       Hoffman (see note 10) learns this from Y. Nazir 7:1 (55d): Deuteronomy’s commandment to “bury him”applies to the entire body (kulo, or at least to the major part of the body) and not to a small portion of it (miktzato). He points as well to the fact that the ashes of a burnt human corpse, unlike the corpse itself, are not a source of ritual impurity (M. Ohalot 2:2; Yad, Tumat Met 3:9-10). In other words, burnt remains are not a “body” such as requires burial under the law. Grodzinsky (note 10) notes simply that ashes are not the “body” of the dead person. Although it may be proper (rau’i) to bury the ashes of those who have been accidentally burned in a Jewish cemetery, he concludes, no actual obligation is fulfilled thereby.

 

12.       Among other prooftexts, the authorities point to the law that permits the removal of a corpse on Shabbat from a courtyard in which a fire has broken out. Transferring the corpse under normal conditions would violate the rules concerning the moving of objects on Shabbat, but it is permitted in this case because it would be a disgrace (bizayon) to the body were it consumed in the fire. See Shulchan Arukh Orach Chayim 311:1 and commentaries (the latter make it clear that the permit to remove the body extends to transferring it to another reshut.). Although the Magen Avraham commentary to that passage (no. 3) suggests that burning would not be a case of bizayon hamet (or, at least, not enough of a bizayon to warrant setting aside the restrictions of Shabbat), his opinion is rejected by virtually all other commentators.

 

13.       Leviticus 18:3 and 20:23. On the issue, see our responsum “Blessing the Fleet,” Teshuvot for the Nineties, no. 5751.3, pp. 159-164 (http://data.ccarnet.org/cgi-bin/respdisp.pl?file=3&year=5751).

 

14.       See Freehof (note 1, above) at 230. This point does appear in the writings of some of the authorities cited in note 10. It is, however, a somewhat tangential argument. The poskim do not spend much time developing it, nor do they present it as the major focus of their objection to cremation. It is unfortunate, therefore, that Rabbi Freehof cites this contention as his only example of the “arguments adduced (in the last century) against cremation,” which he describes as “forced.” This might give the reader the erroneous impression that Orthodox opposition to cremation is founded mainly upon a doctrine that we Reform Jews have long since rejected, at least in its literal form. In fact, the Orthodox writers invest a great deal more intellectual effort into the halakhic arguments that we have noted, namely that cremation does not fulfill the mitzvah of burial and that it constitutes an act of bizayon hamet.

 

15.       See the responsum authored by Rabbi Morris N. Shapiro, “Cremation in the Jewish Tradition,” issued in 1986 by the Committee on Jewish Law and Standards of the Conservative movement’s Rabbinical Assembly (http://rabbinicalassembly.org/teshuvot/docs/19861990/shapiro_cremation.pdf) .

 

16.       See at notes 18 and 19, below.

 

17.       See note 3, above.

 

18.       This was in response to a paper delivered at a previous conference by Rabbi Max Schlesinger (CCAR Yearbook 2 (1892-1893), 33-40. Schlesinger’s argument, namely that cremation was “the primitive custom among the Hebrews” (p. 36), was thoroughly refuted by Felsenthal and his committee.

 

19.       CCAR Yearbook 3 (1893), 67-68.

 

20.       Rabbi’s Manual (New York: CCAR, 1961), 140.

 

21.       Ibid., 90.

 

22.       Found at the conclusion of ARR, no. 100 (http://data.ccarnet.org/cgi-bin/respdisp.pl?file=100&year=arr).

 

23.       Questions and Reform Jewish Answers (QRJA), no. 191; (http://data.ccarnet.org/cgi-bin/respdisp.pl?file=191&year=narr ).

 

24.       The “Pittsburgh Platform” of 1885, paragraphs 4 and 5. A text is available at http://www.ccarnet.org/documentsandpositions/platforms.

 

25.       CCAR Yearbook 3 (1893), 66.

 

26.       Responsa Committee, no. 5759.7, “The Second Festival Day and Reform Judaism” (notes omitted) (http://data.ccarnet.org/cgi-bin/respdisp.pl?file=7&year=5759).

 

27.       An argument in this vein can be found in our responsum “A Defective ‘Holocaust’ Torah Scroll,” no. 5760.3 (http://data.ccarnet.org/cgi-bin/respdisp.pl?file=3&year=5760).

 

28.       The above paragraph reflects the ways in which the CCAR, through the publications we have cited, has described this particular “transformation in our religious thinking.” Rabbi David Lilienthal, a corresponding member of our Committee, notes that the reaction of survivors of the Shoah may be quite different. His work in Europe with many survivors and children of survivors indicates that some may be inclined to choose cremation for themselves as a sign of solidarity with murdered family members. Other members of our Committee report that they have detected no such tendency among survivors and descendants. In any event, we stress again that we are referring here to general trends and that, when it comes to the perception of the symbolic meaning of particular ritual acts, one community may well differ from another.

 

29.       Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., dissenting in the case of Lochner v. New York (198 U.S. 45, 76). He continues: “The decision will depend on a judgment or intuition more subtle than any articulate major premise.”

 

30.       This is not to say that such objections cannot be raised but rather that they do not persuade us that there is a compelling reason to adopt cremation as the standard procedure for the disposal of human remains. Individuals, of course, may be impressed by arguments to this effect, but we as a Committee are not. Although this is not the place for a lengthy discussion of specific issues, we think that the ecological and economic criticisms that are raised from time to time against traditional burial can be addressed in ways that do not entail the choice of cremation. See the article by our colleague Daniel Schiff, “Cremation: Considering Contemporary Concerns,” Journal of Reform Judaism 34:2 (Spring, 1987), 37-48, and see below in the text at note 32.

 

31.       See our responsum no. 5766.1, “When A Parent Instructs A Child Not to Say Kaddish.”

 

32.       See Gates of Mitzvah, 55. We should follow the example of Rabban Gamliel, who instructed that he be buried in simple linen shrouds rather than expensive ones to demonstrate that burial need not impose a crushing financial burden upon the mourners; B. Mo`ed Katan 27b.

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

RR21 no. 5759.7

CCAR RESPONSA

5759.7

The Second Festival Day and Reform Judaism

She’elah

Our Reform congregation normally schedules confirmation services on Shavuot, which this year (1999/5759) falls on Thursday night and Friday. Our Confirmation class prefers to have their service on Friday night so more of their friends, family and other Religious School kids can attend. Although Friday night is no longer Shavuot according to our Reform calendar, it is the second day of the festival which is traditionally observed in the Diaspora (yom tov sheni shel galuyot). Is it acceptable for us to “stretch” the festival to accommodate their request, observing Shavuot for a second day so as to observe confirmation along with the holiday? (Rabbi Lance J. Sussman, Binghamton, NY)

Teshuvah

It is at first glance ironic that a Reform congregation should seek to restore a practice that our history has so clearly renounced. Reform Judaism–“since its very inception”[1]-has done away with the observance of yom tov sheni, the second festival day. The Breslau rabbinical conference of 1846 resolved that “second-day festivals and the eighth day of the Pesach festival, respectively, as well as the ninth day of the Feast of Tabernacles, have no more validity for our time.” While the conference urged consideration for the feelings of those Jews still attached to the observance of yom tov sheni, it insisted that communities were well within their rights to abrogate it, going so far as to conclude that “the prohibition of leavened bread on the last day of the Passover festival shall not be obligatory for the individual.”[2] By 1963, it could be stated that virtually without exception “Reform Congregations observe Pesach for seven days, Shabuot one day, Sukkot (including Shemini Atseret) eight days, and Rosh Hashanah one day,” so that “the Reform movement reverted to the Biblical observance of the length of the festivals, even with regard to Rosh Hashanah.” [3]

Then again, perhaps this request is not all that ironic. In recent decades, many of us have reclaimed ritual observances abandoned by previous generations of Reform Jews, from the generous use of Hebrew in the liturgy,[4] to the wearing of kipah,[5] talit and tefilin,[6] to the dietary laws (kashrut),[7] to the ceremonies surrounding marriage[8] and conversion.[9] These examples-and more could be cited-testify that our approach to traditional ritual practice differs significantly from that of our predecessors. This difference stems, no doubt, from the divergent religious agenda that we have set for ourselves. If our predecessors regarded their acculturation into the surrounding society as a predominant objective, we who benefit from the social and political gains that they achieved are more concerned with taking active measures to preserve our distinctive Jewishness. Thus, where they may have viewed many ritual observances as barriers to social integration and as obstructions to “modern spiritual elevation,”[10]

we may find them an appropriate and desirable expression of our Jewish consciousness. When a particular observance strikes us as moving and meaningful, even though our founders may have explicitly excised it from their communal practice, we have no qualms about restoring it to our own. This is true with the observances we have named; why should it not be true with yom tov sheni?

Accordingly, we cannot say that a Reform congregation is forbidden to observe the second festival day. The mere fact that our Reform ancestors abrogated a ritual practice is not in and of itself sufficient cause to prevent us from recovering that practice. On the other hand, the mere fact that a congregation wishes to restore it may not be a good enough reason to justify its abandonment of a teaching that has for so long characterized our movement. For though we are drawn to the traditions of our people, the tradition of our own Reform Jewish community also makes a powerful call upon us. We, the Reform Jews of today, are members of a religious experience that transcends the boundaries of individual congregations. To identify ourselves as Reform Jews is to acknowledge our participation in the historical religious enterprise that our predecessors founded. We look upon them, in a sense that is deeply significant, as our rabbis. Their conception of Jewish life has done much to shape our own; accordingly, their teachings demand our attention and our prayerful respect. That respect, we think, forbids us from discarding the instruction of our teachers in the absence of good and sufficient cause. In this case, the question of yom tov sheni, this means we ought to ask ourselves the following questions. What were the reasons for which our predecessors eliminated the observance of the second festival day? Do those reasons still strike us as powerful and persuasive, or have they lost their cogency in the context of our own Reform Jewish religious experience? And what sort of argument would count as adequate justification to depart from the widespread and long-standing minhag of our movement?

1. The Second Festival Day in Jewish Tradition. The term yom tov, or “festival day,” is roughly the rabbinic equivalent of the biblical mikra kodesh, “holy convocation” (Exodus 12:16, Leviticus 23, Numbers 28-29) or atzeret (“solemn gathering”; Lev. 23:36, Deut. 16:8).[11] It is a day on which special “additional” (musaf) sacrifices are brought in the Temple and on which many types of labor[12] are prohibited.[13] And, especially pertinent to our she’elah, it is a day, a single twenty-four hour period. The Torah instructs us to declare “holy convocations” on the first day and seventh day of Pesach (or Matzot; see Lev. 23:6ff ), the first day and eighth day of Sukkot,[14] the day of Shavuot, the “first day of the seventh month,” which we know as Rosh Hashanah, and the day of Yom Kippur, each occurring on a specified date. Rabbinic tradition holds that the power to make this declaration rested squarely in the hands of the Sanhedrin or supreme rabbinical court (beit din hagadol) in Jerusalem.[15] Moreover, since “these are… the holy convocations that you shall declare at their appointed season” (Leviticus 23:4), we learn that the festivals do not occur unless and until the beit din says so.[16] The court would accept the testimony of eyewitnesses that the new moon had appeared and would then communicate to the people that Rosh Chodesh (the new month) had occurred.[17] This communication, we are told, took the form of a kind of telegraph system: agents of the beit din on the Mount of Olives would wave torches to and fro until other representatives, stationed at Sartaba, would see them and wave their own torches in the sight of those stationed on the next hill. The chain would continue until the entire Diaspora (i.e., the Jews of Babylonia) were rather quickly informed of the new month. During the months of Tishri and Nisan, they could count fifteen days beginning with Rosh Chodesh and thereby determine the proper dates for the festivals of Sukkot and Pesach. This system broke down due to mischief caused by the Samaritans, who began to wave torches on hilltops on the thirtieth day of the month. Since the new lunar month could conceivably begin either thirty or thirty-one days following the previous Rosh Chodesh, this interference could mislead those on the next hilltops into thinking that the new month had begun a day earlier than the beit din had in fact declared it. To remedy this situation, the beit din decided to send official messengers to inform the outlying communities of the new month.[18] Since many Diaspora communities lay beyond a two-week journey from Jerusalem, the residents of those communities could not be certain, prior to the onset of the festivals, whether Rosh Chodesh had been declared on the thirtieth or the thirty-first day of the previous month. They therefore began to observe two days of yom tov (i.e., fifteen days from both of the days when Rosh Chodesh might have been declared) as a result of this doubt.[19]

The custom developed, therefore, that the Jews of the land of Israel would observe a yom tov for the biblically-sanctioned one day while those living in the Diaspora would keep a second day.[20] This was true even for Shavuot: even though the date of that festival is determined by counting forty-nine days from the second day of Pesach and does not depend upon the determination of Rosh Chodesh, the rabbis ordained that it be observed for two days in order to make it similar to the other festivals.[21] An exception to this rule is Rosh Hashanah, which is also observed for two days in the land of Israel. Rosh Hashanah is itself the new moon, so that “even in Jerusalem itself, where the Sanhedrin assembled, the residents frequently observed two days, for if the witnesses (to the new moon) did not arrive on the thirtieth of Elul, both that day and the next would be observed as holy days,”[22] since either of them might be the new moon of Tishri.

This narrative suggests that the second festival day originated as a popular response of the Diaspora communities to a situation of doubt, of uncertainty as to the correct day of Rosh Chodesh and therefore the correct dates of the festivals. If so, it would follow that yom tov sheni is not a matter of law but rather one of convenience: that is, should the doubt over the calendar be eliminated, there would be no objection were Diaspora Jews to return to the biblical standard of one day for each yom tov. As the Talmud itself puts it: “today, wherever the messengers are able to arrive (within fifteen days) they observe one festival day; and were the Samaritans to cease their mischief, everyone would observe one day.” Moreover, now that the Sanhedrin has disappeared and the calendar is determined by mathematical calculation, there is no longer any doubt as to the day of Rosh Chodesh or the date of the festivals; “why then do we still observe two festival days?” [23]Indeed, our reliance upon that system of calculation helps explain why we do not add an extra day to the fast of Yom Kippur, despite our “uncertainty” as to its correct date. [24] Yet we continue to observe the second festival day, the Talmud asserts, for two reasons. First, it is possible that yom tov sheni came about not as a popular response to poor communications from Jerusalem but as a takanah, an ordinance imposed by the Sanhedrin upon the residents of the Diaspora.[25] And second, even if yom tov sheni originated as a popular custom, the Rabbis issued a separate takanah that requires us to maintain that practice: “take care to maintain the custom of your ancestors, lest the government someday forbid you from studying Torah and you forget how to determine the calendar and come to observe the festival on the wrong date.”[26]

2. The Second Festival Day in Our Time. Does the ordinance which established the second day of yom tov as an obligation hold for us today? The answer would seem to be “no,” since the justification the Talmud cites for the decree (“lest…you forget how to determine the calendar”) is irrelevant in our time. The formulae for fixing the calendar, though once the exclusive possession of religious authorities, are now open to all, Jews and non-Jews alike. As such, this knowledge is no longer the sort of “Torah”–a particularly Jewish sacred literary tradition–that a hostile regime would forbid us from learning.[27] And Maimonides completely ignores the “lest…you forget” theory in his Mishneh Torah. This does not mean, however, that yom tov sheni has become optional. As Rambam writes: “nowadays…when we all rely upon mathematical calculation to determine the calendar, it would be logical for all Jews, including those in the farthest reaches of the Diaspora, to observe but one day of yom tov… but the sages have ordained ‘take care to maintain the custom of your ancestors.'”[28] The second festival day, in other words, is obligatory not because of the fear of persecution and the prohibition of Torah study but simply because the Rabbis established it as a takanah. And this takanah remains in force even though its original justification has disappeared. Rambam writes that, when a beit din issues a takanah or a gezerah that is adopted by all Israel, no subsequent court can overturn it, “even when the reason for which the enactment was adopted no longer exists,” unless that subsequent court is “superior” to the original tribunal. And since a beit din cannot be “superior” unless it happens to be the Sanhedrin of seventy-one judges, it is clearly impossible in our own day to annul the earlier decree.[29] If Maimonides is correct, then the ancient rabbinic decree can never be set aside. Diaspora communities are bound to observe the second festival day, even though the original justification for that decree no longer applies.

Yet it is not altogether certain that Maimonides is correct, for the halakhah on this matter is the subject of much dispute. R. Avraham b. David (Rabad), the Rambam’s contemporary and halakhic critic, rejects the latter’s ruling outright. Relying upon a case from the days of Rabban Yochanan ben Zakai,[30] he argues that a later court may annul a takanah when the original justification for that enactment has disappeared, even though the later court is not “superior” to its predecessor.[31] Other examples, too, could be cited where talmudic sages, though not “superior” in authority to earlier courts, nonetheless annulled or sought to annul existing takanot and gezerot.[32] The Tosafists go even farther: they declare that when the concern that gave rise to the takanah disappears, the takanah is annulled of itself and no official court action is required.[33] R. David ibn Zimra (Radbaz; 16th-17th century Egypt), a commentator to Maimonides, may have been led by these rulings to soften the position taken in the Mishneh Torah. He writes in Rambam’s name that the original takanah remains valid in the absence of its original justification only if the sages adopted that decree without stating an explicit reason for it. “But if they stipulated that their enactment was the result of some particular factor, then when that factor disappears the enactment disappears with it.”[34] Like many complex issues of Jewish law, it is difficult to say with confidence just which point of view is the “correct” one. What is clear, however, is that the ruling of Maimonides is far from the exclusive and uncontested formulation of the halakhah regarding rabbinic enactments. In addition, it can be–and has been[35] –argued that Rambam’s opponents offer the better and more plausible interpretation of the Talmudic sources on this issue. We agree. We would add that their opinion is also more persuasive as a matter of common sense. If the Rabbis explicitly adopted their ordinance for a particular reason, to address a specific problem, it strains credulity to assert that they meant that takanah to endure for all time, regardless of changing circumstances, even in the absence of the reasons for which they enacted it. It is far more reasonable to understand them as saying that the takanah does not outlive its rationale, that it endures only so long as necessary to resolve the difficulty that led to its creation.

We Reform Jews respect the customs of our ancestors; we do not dismiss them with scorn or disdain or for no good reason. But when those customs no longer serve the purposes for which they were adopted, it makes no sense to insist they be maintained merely because they are ancestral customs. This is especially true when maintaining them becomes counter-productive, when powerful considerations that reflect our deeply-held religious values argue against their strict preservation. As our predecessors noted at the Breslau conference, the economic and other hardships imposed by the second festival day had already led the vast majority of our people to abandon its observance, and a community’s inability to abide by a rabbinic enactment is itself a valid argument in halakhah for annulling the enactment.[36] On the other hand, they suggested, the elimination of yom tov sheni would strengthen our religious life by allowing us to concentrate our efforts upon a more intense and meaningful observance of the first day.[37]

For these reasons: 1) since the observance of the second festival day is no longer necessary as a response to calendrical doubt; 2) since we are not bound to maintain ancestral customs once the justification for their creation has disappeared; and 3) since the interests of Jewish religious life would be better served by eliminating yom tov sheni than by maintaining it, we have therefore returned to the standard, as prescribed by the Torah, that each yom tov be observed for one day. This means that, for us, the “second days” of Rosh Hashanah, Shemini Atzeret, and Shavuot and the “eighth” day of Pesach are ordinary days (yom chol), while the “second” days of Sukkot and Pesach are the intermediate days of those festivals (chol hamo`ed). None of these days is a festival, and we do not treat them as such.

3. Restoring The Second Festival Day in the Reform Context. Our Reform movement made a principled decision to nullify the ancient rabbinic takanah establishing the second festival day. Do these principles continue to speak to us? The growing number of Reform congregations which already observe the second day of yom tov, particularly the second day of Rosh Hashanah, [38] answer this question in the negative. They reason, contrary to the argument just cited, that the recovery of yom tov sheni might improve rather than weaken the quality of our communal religious life. How might this happen? There is, first of all, the consideration of Jewish unity. We see ourselves as part of a larger Jewish community. By restoring the traditional Diaspora festival calendar, we can identify with this broader Jewish experience by uniting our sacred calendar with those of our Jewish neighbors. Secondly, by instituting a second festival day we can accommodate the growing percentage of our membership who come to us from Conservative- or Orthodox-Jewish backgrounds and who are familiar with that observance. And then there are what we might call “spiritual” motivations: a second day of yom tov allows us to provide additional and perhaps creative worship services that speak to the religious needs of a number of our people. Whether we accept these arguments or not, we must concede that they are serious and appropriate reasons that may lead a Reform congregation to observe the second festival day.

Yet for all that, these considerations by themselves are insufficient. For when we declare a second day of yom tov, we are not simply making a statement of identity, planning a creative worship experience, or arranging an experiment in spirituality. We are declaring a festival. When we say that a day is a yom tov, we mark it as holy; we transform it from ordinary time into sacred time; we make kodesh out of chol. We arrogate to ourselves the power of the ancient Sanhedrin to announce to the Jewish world-indeed, even to God[39]-that such-and-such a date shall be a festival. And when we declare a yom tov sheni, that is, a festival day on a date that according to the Torah is not a festival at all, we create an actual festival day with all its relevant duties and restrictions. On yom tov sheni, as on the first festival day, we recite the festival liturgy. We say kiddush over wine, praising the God “who sanctifies Israel and the festivals.” The mitzvot which pertain to that particular yom tov are just as appropriate, and obligatory under tradition, on yom tov sheni. And just as we abstain from work on a festival, we are to refrain from those labors on the second festival day. In short, yom tov sheni is the ritual equivalent in virtually all respects of the first day of the festival.[40] We are entitled to restore the observance of yom tov sheni and/or the second day of Rosh Hashanah, just as we are entitled to restore any number of ritual practices discarded by our predecessors. But if and when we do so, let us not forget that it is a festival that we are creating. If we do not treat the second day of yom tov as the ritual equivalent of the first, then we do not in fact perceive it as a true festival day. And if that is the case, it is dishonest for us to call it a festival.

We do not think that the congregation which poses our she’elah truly regards the “second day” of Shavuot as a yom tov. Their request is prompted, not by the desire to observe yom tov sheni as a permanent religious institution to be equated with yom tov itself, but by the desire to “stretch” the holiday to Friday night for the benefit of this year’s Confirmation class. They do not indicate any readiness to “stretch” the other festivals to a second day, to hold festival services and to close their offices on those days, or to do so again for Shavuot when that holiday does not fall on a Friday. They are not, therefore, departing from our movement’s teaching on the dating of the festivals. They do not accept yom tov sheni as a true festival, a holy day, the equivalent of the first day of yom tov. They rather wish to move Shavuot to a day that as far as we–and they–are concerned is not Shavuot at all. To call that day “Shavuot,” even out of the well-meaning intention to make the Confirmation service more meaningful for its participants and their families, is thoroughly inappropriate for a Reform congregation that does not observe yom tov sheni.

It is also unnecessary. The congregation need not “stretch” Shavuot to accommodate the Confirmation class, since it is perfectly acceptable to hold the ceremony on the Shabbat nearest Shavuot.[41] Similarly, the text of the Confirmation service can reflect the theme of Shavuot, “the season of the giving of the Torah” (zeman matan toratenu), without the need to recite the actual festival liturgy. Moreover, the congregation may read the festival Torah portion, the Sinai revelation (Exodus 19-20), on that day. As Rabbi Solomon B. Freehof has suggested, when the final day of a festival (i.e., the eighth day of Pesach or the second day of Shavuot) falls on a Shabbat, our Reform congregations may “simply reread on that Sabbath the special reading of the holiday that we read the day before.”[42] Although current Reform practice does not follow Rabbi Freehof’s suggestion,[43] his teshuvah offers an alternative that this congregation might consider.

Conclusion

. In Reform Jewish tradition, yom tov is observed for one day, not two. This congregation gives every indication that it accepts and practices that standard. The congregation may therefore draw upon the symbolism and the message of Shavuot to lend liturgical power to a Confirmation service held on the day after the festival. The service, however, should not imply that the day is in fact Shavuot.

 

NOTES

 

  • Alexander Guttmann, “The Jewish Calendar,” in Peter S. Knobel, ed., Gates of the Seasons: A Guide to the Jewish Year (New York: Central Conference of American Rabbis, 1983), 10.
  • The sources are gathered by W. Gunther Plaut in The Rise of Reform Judaism: A Sourcebook of its European Origins (New York: World Union for Progressive Judaism, 1963), 195-199, from Protokolle der dritten Versammlung deutscher Rabbiner, Breslau, 1846, 208ff.
  • R. Solomon B. Freehof, Reform Jewish Practice and Its Rabbinic Background (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 1963), 1:16, 19.
  • Michael Meyer, Response to Modernity: A History of the Reform Movement in Judaism (New York: Oxford U. Press, 1988), 373.
  • See the discussion by Lawrence A. Hoffman in Gates of Understanding 2: Appreciating the Days of Awe (New York: Central Conference of American Rabbis, 1984), 56-62.
  • See the meditations and blessings “For those who wear the Tallit” and “For those who wear Tefillin” in Gates of Prayer, 48-49.
  • Compare the fourth principle of the Pittsburgh Platform (Meyer, 388) with the language of Gates of Mitzvah, ed. Simeon J. Maslin (New York: Central Conference of American Rabbis, 1979), 40 (E-6) and 130-133.
  • For the way things were, see Freehof, Reform Jewish Practice 1:89 (the chupah is omitted from many Reform weddings), 96 (the kiddushin and nisu’in blessings are combined and only one glass of wine is used), and 98 (“the breaking of the glass is entirely omitted from Reform marriage ceremonies”). For the differences today, see Rabbi’s Manual (New York: Central Conference of American Rabbis, 1988), 50-59 and 239.
  • In 1893, the CCAR adopted a resolution which formally did away with the requirement for circumcision (milah) and ritual immersion (tevilah) in the conversion process; see American Reform Responsa (ARR), no. 68. Compare, however, Rabbi’s Manual, 210-215, which makes provisions for milah and tevilah, and 232, which offers an explanation for the use of the traditional rituals in Reform Judaism. See also Teshuvot for the Nineties (TFN), no. 5752.1, at 244-246, and the sources it cites, as well as our responsa no. 5756.6 (on the use of the mikveh for conversion) and 5756.13 (which provides a detailed critique of the scholarship employed in justification of the 1893 resolution).
  • See the fourth principle of the Pittsburgh Platform (Meyer, 388). This follows upon the third principle, which rejects the binding character of the Torah’s ceremonial legislation; “to-day we accept as binding only the moral laws.”
  • We say “roughly” because the term mikra kodesh is applied to Shabbat in Lev. 23:3, as is the term mo`ed, “appointed season.” The Sifra (perishta 9:1, cited by Rashi to the verse) notes this apparent discrepancy, asking: “what has Shabbat to do with the ‘appointed seasons’?” It answers that this comparison is brought as a means of strengthening the observance of the festivals: “when one desecrates a festival, it is as though he has desecrated the Sabbath.” The term is also applied to Yom Kippur (Lev. 23:27), even though the rules for abstaining from work on that day are equivalent to those for Shabbat and more stringent than those for the yamim tovim.
  • The term is melekhet avodah, translated variously as “servile work” or “working at one’s occupation.” Maimonides (Yad, Yom Tov 1:4) gives the traditional halakhic understanding of the term: melekhet avodah includes all the labors prohibited on Shabbat (melakhah; cf. M. Shabbat 7:2) with the exception of transferring fire (as opposed to kindling, which remains forbidden), carrying objects in the public thoroughfare and from one “domain” to another, and the activities involved in the preparation of food (to be consumed on the holiday itself; 1:9).
  • Both conditions are necessary in order for a day to be regarded as a yom tov; thus, Rosh Chodesh, on which additional sacrifices (musafin) were offered, is not a yom tov because labor is not biblically prohibited on that day. Similarly, the intermediate festival days of Sukkot and Pesach (chol hamo`ed) are not considered yamim tovim, even though they were the occasion for musaf sacrifices in the Temple. Although “unnecessary” sorts of work are prohibited on those days, one is traditionally permitted to undertake labor in order to avoid a substantial monetary loss, so long as the effort involved is not deemed “excessive.” See Yad, Yom Tov 7:1ff.
  • So Rambam (Yad, Yom Tov 1:1), after Lev. 23:36, even though Shemini Atzeret is regarded as a festival in its own right.
  • See Exodus 12:2, “this month (hachodesh hazeh) shall be for you (lakhem) the beginning of the months.” The Rabbis understand this to mean that God points out the form of the new moon (the demonstrative hazeh, or “this”) to Moses and Aaron (BT Menachot 29a), instructing them that the task of declaring the new month and setting the calendar shall be the exclusive responsibility of the beit din (lakhem, “for you,” i.e., the determination of the new moon shall be for you, Moses and Aaron and all your judicial successors, to accomplish; BT Rosh Hashanah 22a).
  • M.

Rosh Hashanah 2:8. See also Devarim Rabah, parashah 2, no. 14: when the angels gather to ask God when Rosh Hashanah will occur, God tells them to consult the earthly beit din, which has the authority, under Lev. 23:4, to determine the dates of the festivals.

  • Since Exodus 12:2 is understood to require that the new moon be physically seen and identified. In the absence of such testimony on the thirtieth day of the month, the first of the two days on which the new moon might appear, the court would declare the new month on the following day; see M. Rosh Hashanah 2:7.
  • See M. Rosh Hashanah 1:3: messengers were sent out following the new moons of Nisan, Av, Elul, Tishri, Kislev, and Adar, in order that the communities may know of the upcoming holidays and fasts. During the days of the Temple, messengers were also dispatched in Iyar, to inform the communities of Pesach Katan (Sheni; 15 Iyar).
  • BT

Beitzah 4b and Rashi ad loc., s.v. shel galuyot.

  • Yad

, Kiddush Hachodesh 5:5-6, and Yom Tov 1:21.

  • See Chidushey HaRitva, Rosh Hashanah 18a.
  • Yad

, Kiddush Hachodesh 5:8, based upon BT Beitzah 4b-5a and the ruling of Alfasi, fol. 3a. On the other hand, the talmudic discussion there suggests the possibility that Jerusalem and the land of Israel may have reverted to a one-day observance of Rosh Hashanah following the destruction of the Temple and the disappearance of the old eyewitness-based calculation of the new moon. There is evidence that this was indeed the case. See R. Zerachyah Halevy’s comment, in Sefer Hama’or Hakatan, to Alfasi, ad loc.: the requirement to observe two days of Rosh Hashanah in the land of Israel applied only during the time when the calendar was fixed by eyewitness testimony. Thereafter, “all the land of Israel took on the status of the Great Court” in this regard and observed one day. This situation held until “sages of Provence arrived and established there the custom of observing two days, according to the ruling of Alfasi.” R. Zerachya’s description of the practice in Eretz Yisrael is confirmed by paetanic, geonic, and later halakhic sources; for discussion of these see Charles L. Arian and Clifford E. Librach, “The ‘Second Day’ of Rosh haShana: History, Law and Practice,” Journal of Reform Judaism 32:3 (1985), 70-83, and Yosef Tabory, Mo`adey yisrael betekufat hamishnah vehatalmud (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1995), 231-232. Rabbi Solomon Freehof (Modern Reform Responsa, no. 51) concludes that Rosh Hashanah was observed for only one day in the land of Israel until the eleventh century. Yet there is also evidence for the opposite custom, namely that two days of Rosh Hashanah were observed in some places in Eretz Yisrael during the immediate post-talmudic period, possibly as a result of Babylonian influence; see the remarks of Ezra Fleischer in Tarbitz 53 (1984), 293-295.

  • BTBeitzah 4b.
  • See Magen Avraham, OC 624, end: since we know how to determine the month by means of mathematical calculation, and since our ancestors themselves did not institute a second day of Yom Kippur, why should we do it? According to Isserles, OC 624:5, the physical danger involved in a two-day fast is the reason we fast for only one day. On the other hand, we do have reports of at least some talmudic sages who fasted for two days; see BT Rosh Hashanah 21a. See Questions and Reform Jewish Answers, no. 66.
  • See Rashi, BT Beitzah 4b, s.v. veleima kasavar rav asi. According to a geonic tradition, the institution of yom tov sheni was an ordinance of the prophets; “thus did Ezekiel; thus did Daniel.” See Otzar Hageonim, Yom Tov, 3-9.
  • BT

Beitzah 4b, according to Rashi, s.v. degazrey. The Yershalmi version is found in PT Eruvin 3:9 (21c), end, the statement of R. Yose; see Peney Moshe and Korban Ha`edah ad loc.

  • See the argument of S. Herxheimer, Protokolle, 211.
  • Yad

, Kiddush Hachodesh 5:5. See also Yom Tov 1:21.

  • Yad

, Mamrim 2:2.

  • Hasagat HaRabad

, Mamrim 2:2. The case is that of neta reva`i, the produce of the fourth year of fruit-bearing trees, which is sanctified to God (Lev. 19:24). The Rabbis likened this to the “second tithe” (ma`aser sheni; Deut. 14:22ff), which was to be transported to Jerusalem and consumed there or, alternately, redeemed for money to be spent in Jerusalem (BT Kiddushin 54b; PT Ma`aser Sheni 5:2). An old takanah prohibited landowners living in close proximity to Jerusalem from redeeming their fruit. Instead, they were to carry the produce itself to Jerusalem, in order to adorn the city with the produce of the land (M. Ma`aser Sheni 5:2 and Bartenura ad loc.). Rabban Yochanan ben Zakai annulled this takanah, on the sensible ground that, following the destruction of the Temple, there was no longer any city to adorn (BT Beitzah 5a-b; Rashi 5b, s.v. ta`ama).

  • R. Yosef Karo (Kesef Mishneh to Mamrim 2:2) responds that perhaps Rabban Yochanan was actually “superior” to his predecessors and therefore had the legal power to depart from their takanah. This is an interesting departure from the general theory that the earlier authorities (rishonim) always enjoy greater stature than the later authorities (acharonim), and it is little wonder that Rambam’s other commentators (see Radbaz and Lechem Mishneh ad loc.) do not adopt it. But suppose that Karo has a point: could it not be that other generations than that of R. Yochanan ben Zakai are to be regarded as enjoying equal or superior stature to that of their predecessors?
  • See R. Eliezer Berkovits, Halakhah: kochah vetafkidah (Jerusalem: Mosad Harav Kook, 1981), 173, and Herxheimer, 212.
  • Tosafot

, Beitzah 6a, s.v. ha’idana; Hil. HaRosh, Beitzah 1:5.

  • Commentary of R. David ibn Zimra (Radbaz), Mamrim 2:2. The difference is that in some cases, we may be aware of the reason for the takanah even if the sources do not state it explicitly. In those cases, one may conclude that the takanah was meant to last even in the absence of that reason. When, however, the rabbis declare that “we are doing this on account of X,” they are telling us that their ordinance lasts only so long as X does. Note, too, that Radbaz does not contend that the later court “annuls” (mevatel) the words of its predecessor; rather, the earlier takanah loses its own force (nitbatlah), regardless of the lesser authority of the later court as compared to the earlier one. On all this, see Berkovits, 171-174.
  • Berkovits, 175.
  • “A decree is not imposed upon the community unless the majority of the community is able to abide by it”; BT Avodah Zarah 36a and parallels. And see Yad, Mamrim 2:7: a gezerah that was mistakenly thought to have been accepted by “all Israel” can be annulled by a subsequent court. The problem here, of course, is that the decree establishing yom tov sheni was in fact accepted by all Israel for hundreds of years prior to the nineteenth century. We would respond that the economic and social conditions of Western society following the Emancipation were of a fundamentally different nature than those facing the Jews prior to that era. As such, the Jews of modernity could not have been included in the original gezerah, and their inability to abide by it must be taken as a serious challenge to its applicability in their communities.
  • See Herxheimer in Protokolle, 214-215.
  • See Daniel Freelander, Robin Hirsch, and Sanford Seltzer, Emerging Worship and Music Trends in UAHC Congregations (New York: UAHC, 1994), 1: 206 Reform congregations, or 38 percent of those responding to a survey on ritual practice, noted that they observed two days of Rosh Hashanah. Anecdotal evidence suggests to us that the figure is higher today.
  • See note 16.
  • “All that is forbidden on the first day of yom tov is similarly forbidden on the second… There is no distinction between the first and second days of yom tov, except for burying the dead and painting the eye (for medical purposes)”; SA OC 496:1-2, and see OC 526 for the rules concerning preparations for burial on the festival.
  • Gates of the Seasons

, 133, n. 174.

  • Current Reform Responsa

, no. 10.

  • See Gates of Understanding (New York: CCAR, 1977), 271.

 

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

ARR 3-5

CCAR RESPONSA

American Reform Responsa

2. Discarded Practices

(1979)

QUESTION: What shall be the attitude of Reform Judaism towards practices once discarded? May they be adopted again? What is the attitude of Reform Judaism towards the change in rituals and practices generally?ANSWER: A fundamental distinction between traditional Judaism and Reform Judaism lies in our attitude towards change. Orthodox Judaism insists that the tradition has remained constant and unchanging since its inception. Everything was revealed on Sinai or implied in that revelation (Meg. l9b); nothing may be added or removed from the law (Deut. 4:21; 13:1). Although a historic view of Judaism clearly indicated that radical changes had occurred often, Orthodox Judaism has denied them and sees such as a reinterpretation of existing traditions. Reform Judaism has emphasized change and has re viewed Judaism through the eyes of history. The radical differences between Biblical Judaism, Hellenistic Judaism, and Rabbinic Judaism and its varieties, have been acknowledged and explained as a reaction to new environments. This view of Judaism was implied in the earliest changes made by Israel Jacobson at the outset of the l9th century. It was clearly stated in historical and theological terms by Holdheim, Geiger, Kohler, and others in Europe and America in the middle of the last century, and perhaps earliest by Joseph Dernburg in the Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift vol. IV, 1839, pp. 14ff). The views of such individual thinkers formed the basis of the questions and debates at the various Reform rabbinic meetings held in the last century in Germany. They adopted no statements of principle, but passed resolutions on practical matters which implied such a view of the past. In the United States guiding principles of Reform Judaism were at first presented and accepted by the Philadelphia Conference of 1869 and the Pittsburgh Conference of 1885. Both recognized the changing nature of Judaism. This was, perhaps, most clearly stated in the opening paragraph of the Columbus Platform of 1937: “Judaism is the historical religious experience of the Jewish people. Though growing out of Jewish life, its message is universal, aiming at the union and perfection of mankind under the sovereignty of God. Reform Judaism recognizes the principle of progressive development in religion, consciously applies this principle to spiritual as well as to cultural and social life” (CCAR Yearbook, vol. 47, p. 97). This indicates that Reform Judaism has not remained static, but is willing to adapt itself to the needs of each generation. We do not make such changes lightly, and we root ourselves in the past. Minor adaptations may be readily made, but major changes take place only when no alternatives exist. “The Torah, both written and oral, enshrines Israel’s ever-growing consciousness of God and of the moral law; it preserves the historical precedents, sanctions, and norms of Jewish life and seeks to mold it in the pattern of goodness and holiness. Being a product of historical processes, certain of its laws have lost their binding force with the passing of the conditions that called them forth, but as a repository of permanent spiritual ideals, the Torah remains the dynamic source in the life of Israel” (Ibid., p. 97). Thus, we can readily accept new customs and celebrations such as Yom Ha-atsma-ut, Berit Chayim, etc., or ideas such as the complete equality of men and women, which has led to women rabbis and cantors. We willingly move also in the other direction as history and the mood of our people re-emphasize older customs as well, demonstrated by the Gates of Mitzvah (1979). This has always been so in traditional Judaism as well, and has led to innumerable changes in minhagim in our history. Even a cursory glance at the Shulchan Aruch and its commentaries or any of the books of minhagim demonstrate how much has been adopted, omitted, and sometimes re-adopted. This is especially true of customs and ceremonies of life-cycle events, such as Bar Mitzvahs, weddings, funerals, etc. Nothing would, therefore, hinder us as Reform Jews from readopting customs once omitted if a new generation finds them meaningful and useful in its practice of Judaism. We have always understood that such customs, when adopted by us, do not represent a divine enactment. In other words, we are willing to change in both directions. This would apply both to private practices and to those of the synagogue. Synagogue practices should be discussed by the appropriate committee which acts in an advisory capacity to the rabbi under whose aegis changes may be made.Walter Jacob, ChairmanLeonard S. KravitzEugene LipmanW. Gunther PlautHarry A. RothRav A. SoloffBernard Zlotowitz

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

in ARR

CCAR RESPONSA

American Reform Responsa

1. Propriety of Using Discarded Practices in Reform Services

(Vol. LXV, 1955, pp. 88-90)QUESTION: In the area in which my Temple is located, we increase our membership by attracting men and women from Orthodox and Conservative homes. The new members, when principals in a wedding ceremony, will often ask that the older forms to which they are accustomed be retained in the service. These include the covering of the head by all participants, the reading of the traditional Ketuba, and the breaking of the glass. Similar requests come at times from the parents of a Bar Mitzvah. To please an older member of the family, they would have the boy wear Talit and skull-cap during the Bar Mitzvah ceremony. The members of our Ritual Committee take the stand that the rabbi of the Temple, when acting as officiating minister, must conform to the practices of Reform Judaism. They likewise insist that the Bar Mitzvah ceremony as conducted in our Temple must be viewed as a form of initiation into the ways of Reform Judaism, and should therefore present no feature that is glaringly inconsistent with our established practices. What do you think of the position taken by the Ritual Committee?ANSWER: There is an erroneous impression abroad, which we have done little to dispel, that while the undevising traditionalists are ruled by a sense of loyalty to Torah, we who have espoused the principle of Reform are guided by such motives as personal convenience and temperamental preference. Of course, the student of our religious history knows quite well that the forms and customs sanctified by tradition had their origin not in a special divine revelation but in the compelling conditions of human living. As life changes and new situations arise, there also springs up the need for other ways and methods by which the high purposes of our faith may best be fulfilled. What passes for Torah-true Judaism reflects very often a contemptuous disregard for the needs of the present, and not solely a tender attachment to the teachings of the past; and what draws so often the fire of our opponents against us, carrying the taunt that we play fast and loose with tradition, issues just as often from a deep conviction that the discipline of religion, even as the spirit of religion, must be rooted in reality and not in sheer fantasy. Reform Judaism has eliminated the Ketuba from the marriage ceremony for the good and sufficient reason that the changes which have taken place in Jewish life and law have divested the document of its ancient meaning and importance. Long before the rise of Reform, the judicious curtailment of the right of the husband to divorce his wife against her will nullified the practical usefulness of the Ketuba, making its retention in our time an empty, meaningless formality (Mielziner, The Jewish Law of Marriage and Divorce, pp. 88-89). Nor is the omission of the breaking of the glass from our marriage ceremony dictated by anything other than the very doubtful nature and value of the explosive gesture. Whether the practice was originally intended to curb excessive hilarity on a joyous occasion, or to recall the destruction of the Temple at Jerusalem, or– as Lauterbach would have–to frighten away evil spirits (Freehof, Reform Jewish Practice, vol. 1, p. 98), it is certain that the crude dramatic performance tends to distract rather than to inspire, to mar rather than to enhance the impressiveness of the occasion. As to the clamorous insistence that we must keep the head covered while at prayer, one need but read Lauterbach’s exhaustive and illuminating study of the subject to realize the restricted and uncertain character of the custom (CCAR Yearbook, vol. 38, pp. 589-603). While in Babylonia Jews worshiped with heads covered, in Palestine it was the custom to worship bareheaded. In the early medieval period, the Spanish Jews followed the Babylonian practice, while the French and German Jews followed the Palestinian practice. As late as the 18th century, the Wilna Gaon, unable to find support for the custom in Jewish law, reduced the question to a mere matter of good manners. Since in our time, and in this land, it is the very best of manners to express respect by uncovering the head, we should think it an act of willful and useless self-isolation when an American Jew chooses to make of the skull-cap an important symbol of Jewish piety. Of course, there is here, as elsewhere, the important person, the “older member of the family,” whose fixed habits make him uncomfortable in the presence of change; but then, there is also the rebuke administered to Joseph by the Patriarch: “Shall I and thy mother and ~thy brethren come to bow down to thee?” The firm stand taken by the Ritual Committee augers well for the continued stability of our Reform religious practices.Israel Bettan

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

ARR 21-24

CCAR RESPONSA

American Reform Responsa

6. Participation of Non- Jews in a Jewish Public Service

(1979)

QUESTION: To what extent may non-Jews participate in a Jewish public service? (Committee on Education)

ANSWER: In order to answer this question properly, we must first inquire about the status of Christians in Jewish law. It is clear that from the Middle Ages onward, Christians and Moslems were considered as monotheists rather than pagans. The pattern for this may very well have been set by Hiyya bar Abba, who stated that Gentiles outside of the Land of Israel were not to be considered idolaters, but merely as people who were following the practices of their ancestors (Chullin 13b). Maimonides (12th century) viewed Christians and Moslems akin to Benei Noach. In that capacity, they were assisting the preparation for the messianic era (Yad, Hil. Melachim II, Moreh Nevuchim I.71; Responsa, II, no. 448 (ed. Blau). A French contemporary of Maimonides, commenting on Talmud Bechorot 2b, expressed the same feeling about Christians. All placed Christians in these special categories. We should, of course, remember that good treatment and many privileges were extended to pagans in earlier times, both in Israel and in Babylon, mipenei darchei shalom. We comforted their dead, visited their sick, helped their poor, etc. (Git. 59b, 61a; Tur,Choshen Mishpat 266). Proper consideration was to be extended, as they were human beings despite their pagan beliefs.

The classification of Christians as Gerei Toshav had theological implications and also important economic consequences; for example, wine made by a Gentile was permitted to be handled by Ashkenazic Jews. Although it could not be consumed by Jews, Jews could trade in it (Tosafot to San. 63b; Isserles to Sh.A., Y.D. 123.1). Sephardic Jews did not follow this practice and had no pressing need to do so as they were not involved in extensive wine growing and lived among Moslems whose consumption of wine was limited (Maimonides, Responsa, II, no. 448; Tur,Y.D. 124).

As we turn to worship, we must remember that non-Jews were welcome to pray in the ancient Temple and Solomon had already asked that their prayers be heard by God (I Kings 8:41ff). Sacrifices of pagans were acceptable in the Temple (Men. 73b) and the permanent gift of an item such as a Menora to a synagogue was also considered as perfectly acceptable (Arachin 6b). There was nothing improper about a non-Jew handling a Torah or reading from it; it is not subject to ritual uncleanliness (Ber. 22a; Yad, Hil. Sefer Torah X.8; Sh.A., Y.D. 282.9). Statements about Gentiles studying Torah contradict each other; so on the one hand we have the phrase that non-Jews who studied Torah deserved death (i.e., are punishable by heaven), and on the other hand, an individual who studied in this fashion is considered equal to the High Priest (B.K. 38a). In the latter section, we hear of a Roman emperor who sent students to study Torah from the Rabbis. David Hoffman (Melamed Leho-il, Y.D. 77) stated that we should teach everything except specific commandments so that the Gentile not disrespect erring Jews. Despite this friendly attitude of Judaism towards Christianity, all of the traditional authorities made it quite clear that major distinctions continue to exist. Maimonides felt that many Christians were actual idolaters and, therefore, sought to restrict relationships with them (Yad, Hil. Akum X.2) and also prohibited Jews from dealing in any way in Christian wine (Yad, Hil. Ma-achalot Asurot XVII); and he and all the other medieval authorities felt that both Christianity and Islam had mixed strange concepts (shituf) into the absolute unity of God as expressed by Judaism (Isserles to Shulchan Aruch, Orach Chayim 156; Maimonides, Pe-er Hador, 50; etc.). In secular relationships Christians could be treated as Benei Noach,but in religious matters distinctions were to remain.

Now, let us deal with the specific matter of prayer recited by an idolator or a Christian. If an idolator recited a prayer, i.e., a private prayer, in the name of God, those who heard it were to respond with “Amen” (Ber. 44a; Isserles to Sh.A., O.Ch. 215.2). The only references to Christians participating in Jewish public worship in Rabbinic literature which I have been able to find consisted of singers, who honored the bride and groom by singing for them on Shabbat (H. Benvenisti, Keneset Hagedola, quoted in Palligi, Lev Chayim II.9). A similar statement has already been made by Eliezer ben Joel Halevi (Raviah, 796). In these cases, we are dealing with instrumental music played on the Sabbath in honor of the bride and groom by non-Jews. Citations, both for and against this practice, are listed in Sede Chemed,Ma-arechet Chatan Vechala, no. 13.

From Babylonian times onward, public prayers for rulers of the country, parallel to those for scholars and students in the academies, were included in the liturgy and have remained there ever since. These rulers, of course, were pagans, Moslems, or Christians. We, in modern times, have gone a number of steps further than this. For example, we regularly recite the names of non-Jewish dead in the lists of deceased read before the Kaddish. In most cases, these are relatives of converts; although the convert is not duty-bound to mourn for his parents, he should be encouraged to do so out of respect (Yad, Hil. Evel 2.3; Radbaz to Yad; Sh.A., Y.D. 374.5; and many subsequent authorities). We have, however, also added the names of notable Christians from time to time. In addition, we have participated frequently in interfaith services, which have generally been associated with national holidays or events; these have usually been non-liturgical in character, i.e., consisted of Biblical readings and various prayers without following the strict order of the service. Furthermore, we have invited non-Jews, including ministers and priests, to address our congregations during our public services. This practice has been widespread in the Reform and Conservative movements. Thus, there is no doubt that we have included priests, ministers, and non-Jewish participants in our services in a manner not known heretofore. In addition, nowadays, because of intermarriage we find the non-Jewish parent involved in a Bar/Bat Mitzvah. It would be appropriate to have that parent participate in some way in the service, but not in the same way as a Jewish parent. For example, he or she should not recite the traditional blessing over the Torah which includes the words “asher bachar banu.” It would be well if he/she recite a special blessing, perhaps akin to the words suggested by Solomon B. Freehof: “Praised be Thou, Lord our God, King of the Universe, Who has given His sacred law unto all His children that we may learn, observe, and serve Him in righteousness” (Current Reform Responsa,p. 91).

We have, therefore, gone much further than any generation before our time by permitting non-Jews a larger role in our public services; this is part of a more open and friendly interreligious attitude which the Reform Movement has encouraged and led. Yet, these steps have remained within definite limits. We have not included non-Jews, no matter how friendly, in the essential elements of the service. If we follow the line of reasoning which divides between the essential service and supplemental prayers and statements, we may conclude that Christians, Moslems, and other non-Jews who fall into the category of Benei Noach may participate in a public service in any of the following ways: (1) through anything which does not require specific statement from them, i.e., by standing and silently witnessing whatever is taking place (e.g., as a member of a wedding party or as a pallbearer); (2) through the recitation of special prayers added to the service at non-liturgical community wide services, commemorations, and celebrations (Thanksgiving, etc.); (3) through the recitation of prayers for special family occasions (Bar/Bat Mitzvahof children raised as Jews, at a wedding or funeral, etc.). All such prayers and statements should reflect the mood of the service and be non-Christological in nature.

Walter Jacob, Chairman

Leonard S. Kravitz

Eugene Lipman

Harry A. Roth

Rav A. Soloff

Bernard Zlotowitz

W. Gunther Plaut

See also:

S.B. Freehof, “Gentile Bridesmaids,” Reform Responsa, pp. 190ff; “Gentile Stepfather at Bar Mitzvah,” Current Reform Responsa, pp. 91ff; “Gentile’s Part in the Sabbath Service,” New Reform Responsa, pp. 33ff; “Pre-Convert Participating in Services”, Current Reform Responsa, p. 88ff.

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

NARR 133-135

CCAR RESPONSA

New American Reform Responsa

85. A Non-Denominational Service with a Peace Pipe

QUESTION: A service which stresses peace and disarmament for both the Soviet Union and the United States has included the American Indian ritual of the peace pipe as well as rituals of the Hindu and Shinto religions. Should we participate in such a service? (Karen Fine, Philadelphia PA)ANSWER: Our relationship with other religions has been divided into two categories. Those which we consider monotheistic and those which are idolatrous. Christianity and Islam have been considered monotheistic for more than a thousand years (W. Jacob Contemporary American Reform Responsa #167). Despite these friendly views, all of the traditional authorities made it quite clear that major distinctions continue to exist between them and Judaism. Maimonides felt that we should restrict our relationships with Christians (Yad Hil Akum 10.2) and also prohibited Jews from dealing in Christian wine (Yad Hil Maakhalot Asurot 17). He and all the other medieval authorities thought that both Christianity and Islam had strange concepts (shituf) which impinged on the absolute unity of God (Isserles to Shulhan Arukh Orah Hayim 156; Maimonides Peer Hador 50, etc). In secular relationships Christians could be treated as benei noah, but in religious matters, distinctions were to remain. The factors outlined above have provided a Jewish basis for good Jewish-Christian relationships in the last centuries. They have enabled us to participate in many joint social and charitable programs. American Reform Jewish practice has permitted participation in interfaith services which remain neutral and are non-Christological. We have also participated in Christian services when our participation is limited to our presence, Biblical readings, or a sermon to promote good relationships. Reform rabbis have participated by their presence and some appropriate words in the installation of bishops or ministers, the dedication of new churches and other services as a gesture of friendship. Such relationships with Christianity have led to common Thanksgiving Services, Memorial Day tributes, and patriotic services on the Fourth of July. In each of these services the prayers dealt with the specific occasion and were not tied to the theology or ritual of either Judaism or Christianity. As the number of followers of other religions in America increases and as we have more and more contact with Hindus, Buddhists, Shintos, etc., we must work out a relationship with them as well. This will depend on the specific form of each religion which has been transferred to North America. Each contains both polytheistic and monotheistic tendencies. There is no problem about a common celebration of national holidays with representatives of these religions. We should stipulate that no specific rites or prayers which we would consider inappropriate be included, for example Hindu prayers to various deities or prayers to Buddha or any of the Bodhisattvas. We are not willing to participate in services which are polytheistic. This would hold equally true for the ritual of the peace pipe which according to my reading represents not only the common smoking of a pipe among the participants in an effort to create friendship among them, but is also an invocation of American Indian deities. This is inappropriate; we should not participate in such a service.November 1990

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

NARR 30-31

CCAR RESPONSA

New American Reform Responsa

18. Popular Israeli Song in the Synagogue

QUESTION: A youngster in our community has brought an Israeli melody back from a visit to Israel. The words which usually accompany it are rather wild, however, he has successfully set a portion of our liturgy to it and it has become popular with our young people. Should this adaption be permitted? (Lloyd Lehman, Los Angeles CA)ANSWER: The sources of Jewish music are varied. Some of our music may be traced to melodies used in the ancient Temple (E. Werner The Sacred Bridge: A Voice Still Heard; A. Z. Idelsohn Jewish Music). Other melodies have been composed specifically for liturgical settings by Jewish and Gentile composers. In addition a great deal of music comes from anonymous sources. When musicologists have investigated those sources they found that they have sometimes reflected popular songs of another era. This has included military tunes as well as dance and folk melodies (A. Z. Idelson Jewish Music pp 379 ff). The melodies were soon forgotten by the general public, but continued in Jewish liturgical use. There would be problems in using the melody which you have described in an Israeli setting. There the association with the profane words would make it objectionable to those acquainted with the song. In our American setting the words are not known, so we are simply left with an appealing melody. The song will probably be quickly forgotten in Israel, and its place taken by other pop tunes. It may, however, survive in its American liturgical setting and so add to our musical heritage.January 1991

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.