Responsa

RR21 no. 5756.9

CCAR RESPONSA

Pesach Kashrut and Reform Judaism

5756.9

Sheilah

What should be the standards of Pesach kashrut for Reform Jews? What foods should be prohibited? What is our position regarding rice and legumes (kitniyot)? How do we deal with the requirement of biur chameitz? Do we destroy our chameitz, sell it, or put it away? (Rabbi Lawrence Englander, Mississauga, Ontario)

T’shuvah

These questions are dealt with in brief in Gates of the Seasons, one of a series of volumes published in recent decades that testify to a renewed interest in ritual observance among Reform Jews in North America.1 For many years, questions of ritual observance were deemed to be matters of personal choice and did not rank high at all on the communal agenda of the Reform Movement. That situation, of course, has changed. Today, we acknowledge that an authentically Jewish way of life requires ritual as well as ethical expression. Reform Judaism perceives ritual practice as a mitzvah, a matter of central religious importance. Much pioneering work has been done, particularly in the published works mentioned above, in describing and setting forth the principles and details of Reform observance. The task of this t’shuvah on Pesach observance is therefore not so much to issue a ruling as it is to supply the background and discussion necessary for an understanding of the practice of Pesach kashrut in our movement.

  1. Chameitz, Rice and Legumes. “It is a mitzvah to abstain from eating leaven [chameitz] during the entire seven days of Pesach.”2 By chameitz, the tradition means those grains from which matzah may be baked: wheat, barley, oats, rye, and spelt.3 No other foodstuffs are regarded as chameitz. In this, the halachah rejects the opinion of R. Yochanan ben Nuri, who forbids the eating of rice and millet during Pesach because they “resemble chameitz.”4 Talmudic law, rather, forbids the use of rice and legumes (kitniyot) as flour for the baking of matzah and therefore permits us to eat them during the Festival.5

According to long-standing Ashkenazic custom, however, rice and legumes are forbidden for Passover consumption. This prohibition is first mentioned6 in the thirteenth century by two French authorities, R. Yitzchak of Corbeil7 and R. Manoach of Narbonne.8 R. Yitzchak writes that “our teachers observe the custom” of not eating rice and legumes during the Festival, though he adds that this custom is not universally accepted and that “great sages” disregard it. Among these was his own teacher and father-in-law, the great tosafist R. Yechiel of Paris, who argued that since the Talmud ruled that these foodstuffs are not chameitz, there is no reason to prohibit them today. R. Yitzchak, reluctant “to permit something that for so long has been widely regarded as forbidden,” feels the need to justify the custom. He does so not on the grounds that rice and legumes are chameitz (“since not even a beginning Talmud student would make that mistake”), but because these foodstuffs resemble chameitz in that they are cooked in the same fashion. Since this resemblance can lead to confusion—people might mistake a chameitz mixture for one of rice or legumes—the rabbis issued a decree forbidding the latter.9 R. Manoach, for his part, suggests that the prohibition originates in a widespread—but mistaken—belief that rice and legumes are forms of chameitz. Unlike R. Yitzchak, however, R. Manoach does not attempt to defend this “errant” custom, and he suggests a Talmudic basis for dismantling the prohibition altogether.

These sources tell us a great deal about both the history and the halachic status of the custom to abstain from rice and legumes during Pesach. We learn that while the prohibition was well-known in France by the thirteenth century,10 some leading rabbis of those communities rejected it on clear halachic grounds. We know that the custom did not spread beyond Ashkenazic Jewry; rabbis in Spain and elsewhere did not hesitate to express their astonishment against it.11 And although the prohibition did gain wide acceptance among the Ashkenazim,12 some leading Ashkenazic authorities, including R. Ya`akov Emden, were still criticizing it as late as the eighteenth century.13

The early Reformers in Europe, convinced that this observance was both unnecessary and burdensome, abolished it altogether.14 The Orthodox opponents of the new movement responded to this decision in much the same way as they responded to virtually all the innovations that the Reformers introduced into Jewish religious life, namely by insisting upon the sanctity of the entire received tradition. They defended the prohibition of rice and legumes despite its halachic weakness and despite all the criticisms that had been leveled against it over the centuries. Few of them, to be sure, attempted to justify the minhag (custom) on the grounds of its original purpose.15 They argued, rather, that the very existence of the minhag is proof that it must be retained. They noted, for example, that a Rabbinic decree that prohibits something in order to establish a “fence around the Torah,” has the full force of law; we are not permitted to rescind it.16 Some claimed that once a minhag is widely accepted by a community, it acquires the status of a vow, which is valid under the law of the Torah.17 While this prohibition, as a minhag, does not enjoy the same status as that of chameitz,18 under normal circumstances Orthodox rabbis continue to insist upon its observance.

Reform practice, following the standard of the Talmud, permits the eating of rice and legumes during Pesach. We do not take this stand because we disparage custom and tradition. On the contrary: our “rediscovery” of the centrality of ritual observance to Jewish life, described at the outset of this t’shuvah, demonstrates that we take the claims of tradition with the utmost seriousness. This Committee, in particular, in its approach to the answering of the sh’eilot submitted to it, has tended to uphold the standards of traditional practice except in those cases where good and sufficient cause exists to depart from them. And our movement has recognized for nearly two centuries that the prohibition of rice and legumes is just such a case. Yet as we have seen, this observance, which presents a significant burden upon Jews during Pesach, has no halachic justification: the Talmud clearly rejects the suggestion that rice and legumes are chameitz. And the likelihood that our people will confuse legume dishes with chameitz dishes is too remote to be taken into serious consideration.

We do not accept the Orthodox argument that a customary observance, once widely adopted, can never be annulled. This notion is questionable, in general, as a matter of halachah,19 especially when the observance is based upon a mistaken interpretation of the law.20 In our specific case, moreover, there is absolutely no evidence that this customary prohibition was ever ratified by rabbinic decree or accepted as binding in the form of a vow. Had a decree or a vow existed, after all, those authorities who criticized the practice down to the eighteenth century would never have spoken so bluntly against it. We think, rather, that some rabbis resort to these arguments in order to support practices and customs whose original purpose—if there ever was a legitimate original purpose—no longer holds. When a religious practice has outlived its purpose, when its retention is perceived by the community as unnecessary and burdensome, Reform Judaism affirms the right of the observant community to alter or annul that practice in favor of a new standard that better expresses our understanding of Torah and tradition and the religious sensibilities of our age.

Our position does not, of course, prevent Reform Jews from adopting the traditional prohibition as a matter of choice. On the contrary: Gates of the Seasons notes that “Ashkenazi custom” adds rice and legumes to the list of prohibited foods on Pesach, implying that observance of this custom is a valid option for Reform Jews.21 The mere fact that a traditional practice is not “obligatory” does not imply that we should not follow it or that we should discontinue it. Jewish religious practice draws its strength from many sources. Chief among these, to be sure, is the “logic of the law,” the nature of our observances as these are defined in the classic sacred texts. Also important, and in many ways no less important than the texts, however, is the “living law” as it has developed in the life of the religious community. Minhag is the concrete expression of the religious consciousness of the people, their way of expanding upon and adding texture to the more abstract principles derived from the texts. For many people who take religious living with all seriousness, the abstention from rice and legumes is an integral feature of Pesach observance precisely because this is the way the holiday has been observed for many centuries within their religious community. We do not urge them to abandon that practice; indeed, a number of members of this Committee observe it as well. We say rather that, as a matter of Reform communal practice, our “standards of Pesach kashrut” allow the observant Reform Jew to eat rice and legumes during the Festival.

  1. The Removal of Chametz. “It is a mitzvah to remove leaven from one’s home prior to the beginning of Pesach.”22 This mitzvah is based on the biblical injunction in Exodus 12:15: “on the very first day23 you shall remove [tashbitu] leaven from your house. The precise manner of this removal is the subject of a controversy that stretches back to Talmudic times. Some early Rabbinic authorities interpret the word tashbitu as “nullification,” an act by which the householder mentally renounces all ownership of the chameitz.24 The Talmud, too, declares that “according to Torah law, a simple act of nullification suffices” to remove chameitz.25 According to this view, the practices of b’dikat chameitz, the search for leaven conducted on the night before the seder, and biur chameitz, the burning or other physical destruction of the leaven the next morning, are requirements of Rabbinic law,26 instituted perhaps in order to prevent against the possibility that one might accidentally eat some of the chameitz stored in one’s home during the holiday.27 Other commentators disagree. In their opinion, the Torah requires biur, the physical removal of chameitz, as well as its nullification. Indeed, they hold, the requirement of tashbitu is fulfilled primarily through biur. If, as the Talmud says, “nullification suffices,” this may refer to chameitz in one’s possession that one does not know about and therefore cannot burn or scatter.28 A third interpretation is that the Torah itself permits the “removal” of chameitz in either manner, through nullification or through physical destruction; the Rabbis, however, instituted the requirement that both procedures be performed.29

The traditional practice observes both biur and bitul (nullification). The “search” for chameitz takes place on the night before the seder (or two nights before, on 13 Nisan, when Pesach begins on Sunday and when it is forbidden to burn the chameitz on Shabbat). Following both the search and the destruction of the chameitz, one recites the formula of bitul, found in traditional Haggadot, which declares that “all chameitz in my possession . . . shall be as though it does not exist and as the dust of the earth.”30 Thus, even if chameitz inadvertently remains in one’s possession, the process of renunciation succeeds in “removing” it in accordance with the Torah’s requirement.

To destroy one’s chameitz becomes impractical and burdensome if one owns a large amount of leaven. The custom therefore arose for a Jew to sell his chameitz to a gentile before Pesach and to buy it back from him at the holiday’s conclusion. The roots of this practice extend back to tannaitic times. We learn in the Tosefta that “when a Jew and a Gentile are travelling on board ship, and the Jew has chametz in his possession, he may sell it to the Gentile and buy it back after Pesach, provided that the sale is a full and unencumbered transfer (matanah gemurah).”31 The development of this law, which apparently deals with a special case, into a regular and normal transaction is a long story that cannot be recounted here. We can simply point to the Shulchan Aruch and its commentaries, which accept as a matter of course that a Jew may sell chameitz to a gentile “even though the Jew knows the gentile and knows that the latter will guard the chameitz and return it to him after Pesach.”32 This custom is now universally practiced in traditional communities. In its most common form, all the Jews in a particular locale or congregation consign their chameitz to the rabbi or other notable, who then sells it all to a single gentile.33

This device of m’chirat (sale of) chameitz is effective because it is “full and unencumbered.” Although the leaven remains physically within the Jew’s property, its ownership is legally transferred to the gentile buyer in a transaction that meets all the formal halachic requirements of an act of sale. As such, it allows the householder to fulfill the mitzvah of the “removal” of chameitz, not necessarily under the terms of Exodus 12:15, which as we have seen may demand the physical removal of leaven, but under Exodus 13:7, which is understood to permit one to “see” chameitz that belongs to a non-Jew even though it remains within one’s property.34 Therefore, traditionally observant Jews hold that this form of sale is a perfectly valid means of discharging the Toraitic obligation to remove chameitz.

Reform Jews, of course, might well object to the fictitious aspect of this device. The sale may be fully “legal,” but it is not serious: neither the Jew nor the gentile intend that the chameitz be transferred to the latter’s permanent ownership. We might also ask whether the “sale” of chameitz is a better and more serious means of fulfilling the mitzvah than the process of bitul, nullification, described above. As is the case with sale, chameitz that is “nullified” remains within one’s physical—though not one’s legal—possession. Many authorities hold that the renunciation of chameitz fully meets the requirements of Exodus 12:15 and/or 13:7.35 The traditional halachah, it is true, does draw a distinction: while a Jew may make full use of chameitz “bought back” from a gentile after Pesach, leaven that is “renounced” is forbidden for use.36 The logic of this distinction, however, escapes us. The objection to bitul, say the authorities,37 is that one might declare falsely that “I annulled my chameitz before Pesach” when in fact one did not do so; therefore, although renouncing chameitz fulfills the Toraitic requirement, the Rabbis impose this penalty to forestall the possibility that one might evade the law. Yet what is bitul but a formal legal act that effects the legal—but not the physical—removal of chameitz from our possession? Is the “sale” of chameitz any different in its purpose and substance? It may be true that some Jews do not seriously intend to “renounce” their chameitz; it is certainly true, however, that none of them seriously intend to “sell” it.

We might also object to the sale of chameitz on the grounds that it requires the participation of a non-Jew in order that we can fulfill our own religious requirements. While Jews have for centuries relied upon gentiles to serve in such a capacity (the institution of the “Shabbos goy” comes readily to mind), the practice is inelegant at best and demeaning at worst. We prefer to fulfill our mitzvot on our own, especially in this case, when most authorities agree that the method of bitul allows us to meet the Torah’s demand that we remove our chameitz without incurring severe financial loss.

Therefore, “Reform Jews rarely resort” to the sale of chameitz; rather, they “make leaven inaccessible in their homes.”38 This is our way of renouncing our possession of chameitz, and we believe that we can do so with full seriousness and sincerity. While Reform Jews may wish to sell their chameitz, perhaps, again, out of solidarity with traditional Jewish practice, the standards of Reform Jewish observance do not require that they do so.

 

NOTES
  1. Peter S. Knobel, ed., Gates of the Seasons (New York: CCAR Press, 1983). The other volumes, all published by the CCAR Press, are W. Gunther Plaut, A Shabbat Manual (1972), Simeon J. Maslin, ed., Gates of Mitzvah (1979), and Mark Dov Shapiro, Gates of Shabbat (1991).
  2. Gates of the Seasons, 68. According to tradition, the prohibition against eating chameitz begins at midday on 14 Nisan (BT P’sachim 28b, from a midrash on Deut. 16:3). The Rabbis extended the starting point of this prohibition to an earlier hour as a “fence around the law” (cf. M. Avot 1:1; Yad, Chameitz Umatzah 1:8–9).
  3. BT P’sachim 35a, again based upon Deut. 16:3, which mentions both the words chameitz and matzot. By the midrashic principle of hekeish (comparison), the Rabbis deduce that only those grains that are chameitz—that undergo fermentation (chimutz)—may be used for matzvah.
  4. See, however, David Halivni, Mekorot Umesorot, Pesachim (Jerusalem: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1982), 371–72, who argues that in the original version of his statement (see Tosefta Challah 1:1 and JT P’sachim 2:4, 29b) R. Yochanan b. Nuri refers in this context not to rice and millet but to karmit, another type of grain altogether. If so, then one could argue that no known Talmudic sage ever ruled that rice and kitniyot are leaven.
  5. BT P’sachim 35a; Yad, Chameitz Umatzah 5:1; SA, OC 453:1.
  6. By the time of its “first mention,” the custom is spoken of as a long-standing practice. On its (possible) historical origin, see Yisrael Ta-Shema, Minhag Ashkenaz Hakadmon (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1995), pp. 271–82.
  7. Sefer Mitzvot Katan, chap. 222. See also Sefer HaMordechai, P’sachim, chap. 588, which cites the same ruling in the name of R. Yitzchak of Corbeil.
  8. In his commentary to Yad, Chameitz Umatzah 5:1.
  9. The Tur, OC 453, offers a different explanation for the custom: the possibility that kernels of chameitz grain are often found mixed in sacks of kitniyot.
  10. Just how long it was known there, however, is unclear. For example, the twelfth-century Sefer HaPardes (ed. Ehrenreich, 46–47), emanating from the “school of Rashi,” permits rice and legumes and mentions no custom which prohibits them.
  11. See R. Yosef Karo, Beit Yosef, OC 453: “Nobody pays attention to this matter except for the Ashkenazim”; his Shulchan Aruch (OC 453:1), an authoritative guide to Sephardic practice, permits the consumption of rice and legumes. The Tur (who, though writing in Spain, was of Ashkenazic descent) dismissed the prohibition as a superfluous stringency (chumra yeteirah) that is not widely observed (v’lo nahagu kein; OC 453). R. Yerucham b. Meshulam (fourteenth-century Provence and Spain) declared it a “senseless custom” (minhag sh’tut; Toldot Adam V’Chava, netiv 4, part 3).
  12. Isserles, OC 453:1.
  13. Mor Uk’tziah, 453. Emden speaks of his own efforts and those of his father, R. Zvi Ashkenazi (the “Chacham Zvi”), to “annul” the “erroneous custom” (minhag ta-ut).
  14. The decision was issued on January 18, 1810, by the Royal Westphalian Jewish Consistory under the signature of its president, Israel Jacobson. The Consistory noted that the prohibition created a hardship for Jewish soldiers stationed in far-flung wartime outposts who could not obtain sufficient quantities of matzah for the holiday. (A similar hardship argument was raised by Emden, Mor Uk’tziah, 453.) See B. H. Auerbach, Geschichte der Israelitischen Gemeinde Halberstadt (Halberstadt, 1866), 215–16.
  15. An exception is Aruch Hashulchan, OC 453:5. Even he, though, puts most of his emphasis upon the very existence of the minhag as an a priori standard of Jewish observance: “Those who are lenient in this regard testify thereby that they lack the fear of heaven and the fear of sin” (453:4).
  16. See Shaarei T’shuvah and Biur HaGra to OC 453:1. This subject has a long halachic history, starting with the interpretation of Deut. 17:11. See M. Eduyot 1:5; BT Beitzah 5a–b; Yad, Mamrim 2:2 and the commentaries thereto. One of the first authorities to apply this principle to the prohibition against rice and kitniyot is R. Yaakov Molin (fifteenth-century Germany), Sefer Maharil, Hil. Maachalot Asurot BaPesach, no. 16.
  17. The most notable is the great opponent of Reform, R. Moshe Sofer; see Resp. Chatam Sofer, YD 107, and especially OC 122, where he applies this theory to the present issue.
  18. For example, the Rabbis allow the consumption of rice and legumes during years of drought when its observance would bring great hardship upon the people. See Chayei Adam 127:1; Mishnah B’rurah 453:6, and Shaar Hattziyun ad loc.
  19. Though we cannot undertake an extensive analysis of the subject here, we would point to citations in halachic literature that suggest that once the reason for a Rabbinic decree has disappeared, the decree itself may be annulled. See Tosafot, Beitzah 6a, s.v. ha-idena, and Rabad, hasagah to Yad, Mamrim 2:2. For a more extensive analysis, see Reform Responsa for the Twenty-first Century, no. 5759.7, section 2 (vol. 1, pp. 53-56).
  20. When a matter that is permitted is mistakenly regarded as forbidden, the Sages are empowered to rule it permissible (i.e., no vow exists that would reinforce the prohibition on its own). See BT Chulin 6b; JT Taanit 1:6, 59c; Tosafot, P’sachim 51a, s.v. ‘i atta rasha’i; SA, YD 214:1.
  21. Gates of the Seasons, 67 (B-2).
  22. Gates of the Seasons, 67.
  23. In BT P’sachim 5a, the Rabbis argue by various means that “the very first day” must refer to 14 Nisan, the day before Pesach, and not to 15 Nisan, the first day of the Festival itself. See Yad, Chameitz Umatzah 2:1.
  24. Thus Onkelos, in his Targum to Exod. 12:15, renders tashbitu as t’vatlun, “you shall nullify.”
  25. BT P’sachim 4b. Rashi, s.v. bevitul be`alma, explains this rule on the grounds that the Torah does not say tevaaru, “burn the chameitz” but rather “remove” (tashbitu) it, which may be done by “removing” it from our consciousness. Tosafot, P’sachim 4b, s.v. m’d’oraita, disagrees, on the basis of Talmudic evidence that tashbitu is understood as physical destruction. Nonetheless, “nullification” is sufficient under the terms of Exod. 13:7: you may not “see” your own chameitz, but you are permitted to see chameitz that belongs to others and that is ownerless (BT P’sachim 5b).
  26. Yad, Chameitz Umatzah 2:2–3, in the printed texts and in the manuscripts (see R. David Kafich’s edition of the Mishneh Torah [Jerusalem, 1986], ad loc.); Tur, OC 331.
  27. Tosafot, P’sachim 2a, s.v. or. Others explain the requirement of biur as a precaution against the possibility that one’s renunciation of chameitz is not entirely done with full sincerity, in the absence of which the chameitz is not annulled and one would retain ownership of it during Pesach (R. Nissim Gerondi to Alfasi, P’sachim fol. 1a).
  28. Yad, Chameitz Umatzah 2:2, according to the reading preserved in Kesef Mishneh ad loc.; R. Menachem HaMeiri to M. P’sachim 1:1.
  29. Chidushei HaRamban, P’sachim 2a (although he asserts that biur is the preferable method); Chidushei HaRitva, P’sachim 2a; R. Nissim Gerondi to Alfasi, P’sachim fol. 1a.
  30. BT P’sachim 6b: one who searches out the chameitz must still nullify it afterwards; Yad, Chameitz Umatzah 3:7.
  31. Tosefta P’sachim 2:6 (p. 146, Lieberman ed.). See also M. P’sachim 2:1.
  32. SA, OC 448:3; see especially the Shaarei T’shuvah, whose long note indicates the extensive discussion this subject receives in the responsa literature.
  33. The first authority to institute this practice, apparently, was R. Shneur Zalman of Liady, in his Shulchan Aruch, Hil. M’chirat Chameitz. See also Aruch Hashulchan, OC 448: 27. The “consignment” is effected by means of a sh’tar harshaah, a document that appoints a second party as one’s agent in the selling of one’s chameitz.
  34. BT P’sachim 5b; Yad, Chameitz Umatzah 4:1ff.
  35. See above at notes 24 and 25.
  36. SA, OC 448:3, 448:5.
  37. Magen Avraham 8; Mishnah B’rurah 25.
  38. Gates of the Seasons, 128 n. 144.

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

NARR 130-131

CCAR RESPONSA

New American Reform Responsa

83. Are Dinosaurs Kosher?

A Light Hearted Purim ResponsumQUESTION: Are dinosaurs kosher? (Vigdor Kavaler, Pittsburgh PA)ANSWER: There are several elements involved in this question. All of them eventually lead to the same negative conclusion, however, let us look at the possibilities? We must begin by dividing dinosaurs between carnivorous and vegetarian animals as all kosher cattle whether tame (behemot) or wild (hayat) consume plants (Lev 11:2). The rabbinic tradition makes that distinction specific in the case of birds as the Bible does not provide ways of identifying kosher birds (Hul 63b). Carnivorous dinosaurs would definitely not be kosher, furthermore we must make a division between warm-blooded and cold-blooded dinosaurs as the latter would be considered as reptiles and be forbidden. As there is currently some difference of opinion among scientists about this fact we must reserve judgement on this issue. Finally, we must ask whether dinosaurs have cloven hoofs and are ruminants which chew the cud. Some dinosaurs may actually fall into that category and so theoretically it should be possible to eat their meat. However, this is not possible on two grounds: (a) The animals were not known to the ancient Jews and only those animals clearly identifiable from the Biblical sources are considered kosher (Lev 11:21; Deut 14.4); Maimonides considered this list as complete and final (Yad Hil Maakhalot Asurot 1.8) though Rashi at least in the case of birds felt that a folk tradition of kashrut was sufficient to declare a specific bird kosher even if some questioned it (Rashi to Hil 62b). We, however, possess no such folk tradition or bobo meise. (b) It would not be possible to slaughter them in the traditional pattern of kashrut as the shohet would have to stand on a very tall ladder and the animal would need to stand quite still. It is not permissible to stun an animal before slaughtering it. Even if that requirement were met, (dinosaurs had unusually small brains) the shohet would place himself in grave personal danger as the collapsing dinosaur would propel him from his ladder. So because of pikuah nefesh the shohet would not be able to slaughter the dinosaur even if it were kosher. We may approach the entire problem in a different fashion. Dinosaurs existed only before days of Noah and the Flood. In that early period of human history, according to the Torah, animals were not consumed as food and people simply lived from fruit and vegetables. The killing of animals was not permitted until after the Flood (Gen 9.3). If we follow this line of reasoning the question would not have been asked in the appropriate time. Furthermore if none of these reasons sound convincing we would have to follow the Talmud dictum, “this is a question which can only be settled by Elijah in the days of the Messiah” (Men 45b; Midrash Rabbah, Numbers 3). Should you, therefore, find a dinosaur steak listed on your menu you should refuse it on the grounds of kashrut and due to the age of the meat.April 1989

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

ARR 128-131

CCAR RESPONSA

American Reform Responsa

49. Kashrut in Reform Judaism

(1979)QUESTION: What is the Reform attitude toward Kashrut? What should be done for those who observe kashrut in wartime or during other emergencies? ANSWER: The dietary laws have been discussed by reformers virtually since the beginning of Reform Judaism. This was prompted by the widespread neglect of all the dietary laws among a large segment of the Jewish population even during the middle of the last century. Holdheim and Einhorn suggested that they be completely eliminated, as they were part of the ceremonial laws which dealt with Levitical and priestly purity and therefore did not apply after the Temple ceased to be in existence (Sinai, 1859-1860). Slightly later, Kohler expressed similar sentiments (Jewish Times of New York, 1872). Others suggested that they be modified so that the basic Biblical ideas continue, while the vast Talmudic legislation–often based on the slimmest Biblical premise–be eliminated. This was the point of view of Wiener (Die Juedischen Speisegesetz, 1895), Creiznach (cited in Plaut, The Rise of Reform Judaism, p. 212), and Montefiore (The Jewish Quarterly Review, vol. 8, pp. 392ff), while Geiger suggested that they either be kept in toto or be entirely eliminated (Zeitschrift, vol. 8, p. 24). The Hungarian reformer, Chorin, also felt that they should be eliminated (Philipson, The Reform Movement in Judaism, p. 276). The Leipzig Synod rejected them, along with the various other ceremonial and ritual laws, following a paper presented by Fuerst (Verhandlungen der ersten israelitischen Synod zu Leipzig, p. 254). A resolution was introduced at the Philadelphia Conference of 1869 which recommended that the dietary laws be eliminated. Dr. Adler suggested that a commission be appointed and a report be made to the next conference (Appendix XI, S.D. Temkin, The New World of Reform, p. 111). The Pittsburgh Platform clearly rejected dietary laws along with other laws which dealt with priestly purity: “We hold that all such Mosaic and rabbinical laws as regulate diet, priestly purity, and dress, originated in ages and under the influence of ideas altogether foreign to our present mental and spiritual state. They fail to impress the modern Jew with a spirit of priestly holiness; their observance in our days is apt rather to obstruct than to further modern spiritual elevation.” Although this blanket rejection of the dietary laws as outmoded represented the ‘official’ position of the Reform Movement through most of a century, it did not prevent individual Reform Jews and Reform congregations from adopting certain of the dietary laws for a variety of reasons, including the desire not to offend traditional relatives or guests” (Philipson, The Reform Movement in Judaism, p. 356). On the other hand, neither the Columbus Platform in 1937, nor the Centenary Statement of 1975 made any specific mention of dietary laws, but rather called for “the development of such customs, symbols, and ceremonies as possess inspirational value” (The Central Conference of American Rabbis Yearbook, 1937, p. 100), while the Centenary Statement recognized divergent trends within the Reform Movement while encouraging observances and customs (“A Centenary Perspective” in Borowitz, Reform Judaism Today, vol. I, p. XXiii). Although dietary laws were discussed at length during the last century and early in this century, they ceased to be a matter of primary concern for Reform Jews. This is also clearly indicated by the lack of questions regarding dietary laws addressed to the Responsa Committee through the decades. Yet, “Judaism has always recognized a religious dimension to the consumption of food. Being a gift of God, food was never to be taken for granted. And if this was true of food generally, it was especially true of meat, fish, and fowl, which involve the taking of life.” Those Reform Jews who observe the dietary laws, totally or in part, seem to do so because (a) it adds to their personal expression of Judaism; the daily meals serve as reminders of Jewish ideals; (b) it provides an additional link with other Jews and a link to history; it enables Jews of all groups to eat in their home or their synagogue; (c) it encourages ethical discipline; a large number of Reform Jews observe a modified form of the dietary laws by abstaining from pork products, animals specifically prohibited, seafood, and the mixing of meat and milk. Some form of dietary observance may be carried out as a daily reminder of Judaism; the form may be left to the individual or congregation. “One might opt to eat only kosher meat or even to adopt some form of vegetarianism so as to avoid the necessity of taking a life. (This would be in consonance with the principle of tsa-ar baalei chayim–prevention of cruelty to animals.) The range of options available to the Reform Jew is from full observance of the Biblical and Rabbinic regulations to total non-observance. Reform Judaism does not take an ‘all or nothing’ approach” (Gates of Mitzvah, p. 132). In times of emergency and danger of life, the dietary laws lapse and may clearly be transgressed. The only laws which remain in force are those which prohibit idolatry, sex crimes, and murder (Shab. 132a; Shulchan Aruch, Orach Chayim 328.10-17). If there is danger of life or even danger of someone becoming unnecessarily weakened, then the dietary laws may be given up (Yoma 83a; Rosh to the above; Tur, Orach Chayim 618; Yad, Hil. Yesodei Ha-Torah 5, 6). The only occasions when the dietary laws may not be breached are instances when an oppressor attempts to use them to force the rejection of Judaism. However, this was discussed at length during the period of the Holocaust and the difficult times immediately preceding it (Oshry, Mima-amakim, vol. 1, 13). It was considered wrong for an individual to refuse proper food even if it meant that the dietary laws had to be trespassed (see also Shibolei Haleket, 117; Pachad Yitschak, Pikuach Nefesh). It is quite clear, therefore, that even in the strictest Orthodox tradition, the dietary laws may be transgressed during times of war or periods of danger. We should note that the National Jewish Welfare Board has made every effort during the First and Second World Wars and subsequently to provide for Jews in military service who observe the dietary laws. In 1942, there was a suggestion by the Department of the Army to provide vegetarian tables in mess halls. This suggestion was, however, rejected. Consequently, the Department of Defense has found no feasible plan for providing food for this special group. Two pamphlets in our possession deal with the Jewish soldier in the German army in the First World War, and do not mention the question of kashrut. It was left to the individual to carry out as best he could. We would, therefore, suggest that in wartime a soldier contact the chaplain and see what can be done about proper observance. Certainly, that individual would be provided with some special foods and could refrain from eating certain items. Under conditions of actual emergency, he or she would be free to eat anything which might be available.Walter Jacob, ChairmanLeonard S. KravitzEugene LipmanW. Gunther PlautHarry A. RothRav A. SoloffBernard Zlotowitz

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

NARR 129

CCAR RESPONSA

New American Reform Responsa

82. A Fish in the Shape of a Shrimp

QUESTION: A wedding at which I recently attended was strictly kosher. Much to my surprise the fish course was served in the shape of a shrimp. Would this be permissible according to our tradition? (Vigdor Kavaler, Pittsburgh PA)ANSWER: The whole pattern of tradition has sought to keep clearly non-kosher items away from our people. Items which are kosher should not be made to look like non-kosher foods because of marit ayin (Betza 9a). In addition rabbinic Judaism built “fences” around the law in order to be quite certain that no violations of the laws of kashrut would occur. So, for example, the prohibitions against legumes among Ashkenazim for Passover (Shulhan Arukh Orah Hayim 453.1). It would, therefore, be wrong as well as in poor taste to present any item in the form of shrimp or let us say a pig at a kosher dinner. Strictly speaking it would, of course, not be wrong to consume such an item, but it is in bad taste and contrary to the spirit of tradition. The Reform attitude toward kashrut has changed during the last two centuries; it continues to evolve and no clear pattern for North American Reform Jewish life has been established (W. Jacob (ed) American Reform Responsa # 49). Although Reform Jews do not observe the laws of kashrut strictly, those who do should observe the spirit as well as the letter of the law.April 1989

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

ARR 128

CCAR RESPONSA

American Reform Responsa

48. The Jewish Jubilee

(Vol. XLII, 1932, pp. 85-86)QUESTION: Will you please let us know whether there is any record of the year in which the Jewish Jubilee was celebrated, and if there is any way of figuring in what year the next Jubilee would be celebrated if it had continued to be celebrated each fifty years since Biblical days?ANSWER: According to the Talmud (Arachin 32b), the laws about the Jubilee year prescribed in Leviticus were to be observed only as long as all Israel (i.e., all the twelve tribes) lived in Palestine, but not after some of the tribes had been exiled. Accordingly, the Jubilee year could not have been observed during the Second Jewish Commonwealth. But, while not observing the Jubilee year in practice, the Jewish people may have preserved the memory of it in their reckoning of the years. According to a Talmudic tradition (ibid., 12a), “the fourteenth year after the city was smitten,” referred to in Ezek. 40:1, was a Jubilee year. Since the city (i.e., Jerusalem) was destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar in the year 586 B.C.E., then the year 573 B.C.E. (i.e., the fourteenth year after the destruction) was a Jubilee year. On the basis of this tradition, we could figure that, had the Jubilee continued to be celebrated each fifty years, adding 1932 to 573, which total 2505, and dividing by fifty, the present year would be the fifth in the Jubilee period, and the next Jubilee year would then have to be in 1977. Of course, this figure would not hold true according to the reckoning of R. Judah, who maintains that the fiftieth year, while being the Jubilee year, is at the same time counted as the first year of the following Jubilee period: “Shenat chamishim ola lechan ulechan” (ibid., 212b).Jacob Z. Lauterbach

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

RR21 no. 5760.2

CCAR RESPONSA

5760.2

Presumption of Jewish Identity

She’elah

A woman presents herself to a rabbi and states she wants to join the congregation. The woman is unknown to the rabbi, the congregation and the Jewish community. The rabbi inquires if she is Jewish and she states that she is. Does the rabbi accept her at her word, or is the rabbi obliged to conduct further inquiry as to her Jewish status? If further inquiry is required, what threshold of proof need be met? (Rabbi Joshua Aaronson, Perth, Australia)

Teshuvah

Jewish law, in general, determines the status of persons or things in either one of two ways. The first is edut berurah, or clear proof, whether in the form of eyewitness testimony[1] or other evidence.[2] The second is presumption, which itself can take two forms: chazakah, or “presumption” proper; and rov, the “majority” principle. The rules governing these processes are much too complex and detailed to summarize here.[3] Suffice it to say that Jewish law relies upon them as grounds for action in the absence of clear proof. There are many situations for which clear proof or documentary evidence does not exist, yet the court can determine the legal status of the things or persons at issue by means of an appraisal (umdana) of what was the case prior to the raising of the issue or of what is likely to be the case according to the usual behavior of persons or things. Indeed, the most fateful sort of legal decisions-i.e., those dealing with capital offenses-can proceed from judgments based upon chazakah and rov.[4]

Presumption has always played a crucial role in determining an individual’s Jewish status. We customarily do not ask newcomers to supply proof of their Jewishness before allowing them to join our communities.[5] This custom is based upon the rule in Jewish law that when a person we do not know comes to us and claims “I am a Jew,” we accept that claim on his or her word alone.[6] This rule is explained in several ways. According to some authorities, the claim “I am a Jew” needs no proof because “the majority (rov) of those who come before us are Jews”; therefore, we accept this person as a member of that majority.[7] Other commentators say that we accept the claim “I am a Jew” because we presume that a person would not lie about such an easily-discoverable fact.[8] In either event, the Jewish status of this person is established not by means of hard evidence but by the community’s presumption that the individual is telling the truth. For this reason, it is common practice to accept as Jewish those who come to our communities and present themselves as Jews.[9]

 

How does this halakhic standard apply to the case before us? In theory, the rabbi could follow one of the above presumptions and accept this woman as a Jew on the strength of her claim alone. Yet the matter is hardly so simple. A presumption, as we have noted, is a determination of the status of a person or thing based upon a judgment as to what the status is likely to be; it operates in situations where we lack firm evidence to prove what that situation actually is. We think that there is serious doubt that these presumptions concerning Jewish status, which were formulated in an era when it was quite rare for non-Jews to seek to join the Jewish people, can be applied literally to the situation in our communities. To put this bluntly, it is no longer as “likely” as it once was that those who come before us are in fact Jews. This is not to say that these persons are necessarily of malicious intent or that they knowingly lie about their Jewishness, but rather that the once sharply-drawn definitions of Jewish identity are much less clear to many people today. An individual becomes a member of the Jewish people either through birth or through conversion.[10] Yet in our liberal society, where religion is often perceived as a strictly personal matter and where changing one’s religious affiliation has become increasingly commonplace, many people take the position that “I am what I claim to be.” In this view, religious identity is more truly established “internally,” by one’s heartfelt association with a particular community, than through adherence to “external,” formal standards of membership. Many of us have dealt with individuals who regard themselves as Jewish but whose Jewish identity stems neither from birth nor conversion but from an emotional bond, a feeling of connection with us. Such persons might be encouraged to consider conversion to Judaism, but until they complete the conversion process they are not Jews. In addition, there are individuals who claim to be Jewish out of genuine misunderstanding of the rules that define Jewishness.[11] Under current conditions, to apply the old presumptions without modification-to say, in effect, that anyone who claims to be Jewish must be Jewish-is quite arguably tantamount to ignoring reality.

The foregoing remarks are not to suggest that these problems have reached crisis proportions. In the vast majority of cases, we are satisfied with an individual’s statement that “I am a Jew.” Indeed, it would be tragic were rabbis and congregations as a rule to greet newcomers with suspicion and probing questions. This would violate both our common sense of decency and the mitzvah of hospitality to strangers (hakhnasat orechim).[12] Yet there will be times when the rabbi, on reasonable grounds, will not be satisfied with the individual’s claim of Jewishness. We will not attempt to define those “reasonable grounds”; that is a matter best left to the responsible and educated judgment of the rabbi, acting in his or her capacity as mara de’atra (local authority). When the rabbi feels that such grounds exist, he or she may inquire into the individual’s Jewish status. Ideally, the inquiry will be restricted to questions of the “getting-to-know-you” variety. They should be unobtrusive and respectful of the person’s basic human dignity; our tradition, as we know, prohibits us from causing another to suffer unnecessary shame and embarrassment.[13] Yet if the rabbi, mindful of these requirements, feels it necessary to ask for proof of the individual’s Jewish status, he or she may do so. To make such determinations, however sensitive the subject matter, is quite simply part of the rabbi’s job. And we trust that our rabbis will perform that task with diligence and with sensitivity.

CCAR Responsa Committee

. Mark Washofsky, chair; Walter Jacob; Yoel H. Kahn; Debra Landsberg; David Lilienthal; Rachel S. Mikva; W. Gunther Plaut; Samuel Stahl; Leonard B. Troupp; Moshe Zemer.

 

 

NOTES

 

  • Deuteronomy 19:16; Yad, Edut 5:1ff.
  • The classic example is documentary evidence (shetarot). Witnesses are ordinarily required to testify orally in the presence of the beit din (BT Gitin 71a on Deut. 19:16 and Yad, Edut 3:4, although Rabbenu Tam disagrees; see Tosafot, Yevamot 31b, s.v. dechazu and Hagahot Maimoniot, Edut, ch. 3, no. 2). Still, a document such as a promissory note or a deed of sale is acceptable as evidence in legal proceeding on the grounds that “when witnesses sign a document, it is as though their testimony has been investigated by the court” (BT Ketubot 18b).
  • For example, the articles on chazakah in the Encyclopedia Talmudit extend from vol. 13, pp. 553-760 and then to vol. 14, pp. 1-423.
  • That is, we make judgments concerning blood and marital relationships based upon chazakah (BT Kidushin 80a and Yad, Isurei Bi’ah 1:20) and rov (BT Chulin 11a-b). These judgments, in turn, determine the application of the prohibitions against incest and adultery, both of which are punishable under biblical law with death.
  • In the words of the 13th-century R. Moshe of Coucy (Sefer Mitzvot Gadol, negative commandment no.116): “It is common practice (ma`asim bekhol yom) that, when visitors come to our communities, we do not investigate their origins. (Rather), we drink wine with them and eat the meat that they have slaughtered” (two things that these Jews would never have done had they suspected these visitors of being Gentiles).
  • This rule is based upon the Talmudic discussion of the person who comes to us and claims “I am a convert to Judaism” (BT Yevamot 46b-47a). Halakhah requires this person to supply proof of conversion only if we know in fact that he or she was originally a non-Jew. If, however, we do not know this person’s origin, we accept the claim of conversion because he or she could have said simply “I am a Jew,” a claim for which no proof is demanded. The legal principle here is migo: we may accept a claim as true on the grounds that this individual could have made a more advantageous claim. Since we would have accepted on face value the claim that “I am a Jew,” there is no reason for us to doubt the veracity of the claim “I am a convert,” which entails that he or she was born a Gentile. Maimonides (Yad, Isurei Bi’ah 13:10) calls this an example of the rule hapeh she’asar hu hapeh she-hitir: a person who is the sole source of information that is disadvantageous to him- or herself (“I was a non-Jew”) is believed when he or she gives testimony that reverses the disadvantage (“…but I have converted to Judaism”).
  • Rabbenu Tam, Tosafot, Yevamot 47a, s.v. bemuchzak lekha (and see below, note 8); Hilkhot HaRosh, Yevamot 4:34. See also BT Pesachim 3b and Tosafot, s.v. ve’ana.
  • R. Moshe ben Nachman (Ramban), R. Shelomo b. Adret (Rashba), and R. Yom Tov ibn Ishbili (Ritva) in their chidushim to Yevamot 47a; R. Nissim Gerondi (Ran) in his chidushim to Pesachim 3b; and Rabbenu Tam in Sefer Hayashar (ed. Schlesinger, 1959), ch. 336.
  • Beit Yosef

and Bayit Chadash to Tur, Yore De`ah 268, fol. 215a; Shulchan Arukh, Yore De`ah 268:10 and Siftei Kohen, no. 21.

  • This statement remains true even in North America, where the Reform movement has modified the traditional standards of Jewish status with the CCAR’s Resolution on Patrilineal Descent. Under that resolution, a child of one Jewish parent (either father or mother) may qualify as a Jew by performing “timely public and formal acts of identification with the Jewish faith and people.” Yet this possibility is open to the child because he or she was born to a Jewish parent. Conversely, the child of two Jewish parents remains Jewish under our definition even in the absence of such “timely and formal acts.” Thus, Jewishness for us continues to be established on the basis of birth or conversion. For details, see Rabbi’s Manual (New York: CCAR, 1987), 225-227.
  • For example, the determination of Jewish identity under the CCAR’s Resolution on Patrilineal Descent (see note 9) can be a source of uncertainty. Just what the resolution means by “timely public and formal acts of identification with the Jewish people” is not yet a matter of precise definition, and until that question is clarified we can expect confusion as to “who is a Jew?” according to the terms of the resolution.
  • See BT Shabbat 127a-b, where hospitality is listed among the things “whose fruits one consumes in this world and whose principal remains available for one in the world-to-come,” an example of gemilut chasadim (acts of lovingkindness). Maimonides classifies such acts under the rubric of “love your neighbor as yourself” (Lev. 19:18; Yad, Avel 14:1).
  • BT

Arakhin 16b, based upon a midrash of the concluding words of Lev. 19:17, lo tisa alav chet, “do not bear a sin on his account”; Yad, De`ot 6:8.

 

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

NARR 136-137

CCAR RESPONSA

New American Reform Responsa

87. Jewish Soldiers in a Fundamentalist Islamic Land

QUESTION: A young Jewish Marine has been assigned to an embassy in an Islamic land. His dog tag indicates that he is Jewish and he realizes in case of medical problems that his Jewish identity may cause him problems. Should he remove that identifying letter? Daniel Roth, Washington DC)ANSWER: Desperate persecution has sometimes forced us to assume other religious identity although most of the traditional authorities sought to prohibit this and no Jew is to abandon his religion and take on another even outwardly (Sefer Hamitzvot Taaseh #9; Shulhan Arukh Yoreh Deah 157.1 ff.; E. Oshry Memamakim #13). However, a Jew could be ambiguous in his answer to the authorities (Isserles to Shulhan Arukh Yoreh Deah 157.2) or might also dress himself in Christian garments. The problems raised by disguising one’s Jewish identity were divided by Oshry into matters which indicated a permanent separation from Judaism which he prohibited and temporary measures which were permissible. One could obtain a Christian passport (See also R. Kirschner Anthology of Holocaust Responsa pp 97 ff; and H. J. Zimmels The Echo of the Nazi Holocaust in Rabbinic Literature pp 77 ff). Every effort was made to escape danger to life, but also to avoid apostasy. Tradition always insisted that death was preferable to the sin of idolatry, incest or murder. For these three prohibitions a person must surrender one’s life (San 60b ff; A Z 43b, 54a; Ket 33b; Shab 149a; Shulhan Arukh Yoreh Deah 157.1). In this instance eliminating the designation for a Jew on the dog tag would represent a temporary disguise, but we must ask whether it is really necessary. After all, any individual connected with an American embassy possesses special status protected by international law and the likelihood of an accident or some other mishap which would place him into a foreign hospital is slim. We would, therefore, strongly discourage the marine from taking this step and encourage him to serve there as a proud American Jew. His stand would be another clear indication that the United States intends to protect all its citizens irrespective of their religion.May 1987

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

CARR 37-39

CCAR RESPONSA

Contemporary American Reform Responsa

23. Historical Basis for Jewish Social

Services

QUESTION: What is the historical basis for social services as

we now know them? (Dr. S. Busis, Pittsburgh, PA)

ANSWER: If we turn to the

Biblical period, we find most emphasis placed upon alleviation of poverty either through outright charity (Deut. 15.10 ff, etc.), tithing for the benefit of the poor (Deut. 14.28 f), participating in the harvest and the produce of the sabbatical year (Lev. 19.9 f, 23.22, etc.). In addition to this, there was an attempt to bring about economic equality every fifty years through the Jubilee Year when all Hebrew slaves were set free and all land was returned to its original owner (Lev. 25.8 ff). Those legislative statements of the Torah were constantly reinforced by the message of the prophets. A similar emphasis on charitable acts was continued in the Mishnah and Talmud reflecting the period of the second Temple and the Babylonian exile. Perhaps the grandest statement about charitable acts is to be found in Maimonides’ Yad Hazaqah, which listed eight degrees of philanthropy with emphasis upon helping the poor toward independence (Yad. Hil. Matnat Aniyim 10.7 ff). “The highest degree is attained by those who give him a gift or a loan, or go into partnership with him, or find work for him to strengthen his hands so that he need no longer appeal for help.” A discussion of some other aspects of charity and charitable gifts will be found in the responsa “Priorities for an Adoption Agency” and “Priorities in Charitable Distribution.”

All such charitable directives were addressed to

the individual and were more concerned with the physical needs of the poor than with their psychic and emotional needs. As the former matters are now part of the services of the secular government, the emphasis of Jewish social services is on the latter. This, too, has a long tradition in our history.

Sick-care societies on a communal basis did not appear until

the Spanish-Jewish period. They may have begun as early as the thirteenth century in Spain (A. A. Neuman, Jews in Spain, II, 161 ff). Such societies were responsible for the physical and spiritual welfare of all who were ill, burial of the dead, and counseling of the bereaved.

Similar societies were founded in Germany in the seventeenth century,

probably under the influence of Spanish-Jewish immigrants (J. R. Marcus, Communal Sick- Care, p. 64). At the same time, we find such societies beginning in Italy. Throughout Central Europe they patterned themselves somewhat after Christian groups which also cared for the sick, but two major differences continued to exist between the Jewish organizations and their Christian counterpart. The Christian organizations were also social clubs and tended to look only after their own sick members. The Jewish Brotherhood had few social overtones and worked for the benefit of the entire community. These societies, often called “Holy Brotherhood” or “Brotherhood of Loving-kindness,” were motivated by strong religious forces. Their constitutions often quote Psalm 41 or the Ethics of the Fathers–“by three things is the world upheld, by Torah, service, and by deeds of loving-kindness,” or “you shall love your neighbor as yourself” (Lev. 19.18).

The Brotherhoods were tightly organized and funded through

the community. All the members of the Brotherhood were duty-bound to serve in whatever capacity they could. There were rigid schedules of visiting the sick and caring for the bereaved. As much attention was given to the religious and emotional needs as to the physical needs of the sick. The basic feeling of these groups has been best stated by Dr. Abraham Wallich, a seventeenth century university trained physician, who in his Sefer Dimyan Harefuot felt that the sickness must be cured not only by physical but also by spiritual means. Manuals were written for the guidance of those who counseled the sick and the bereaved. Many of them, like Sefer Hahayim or Maaneh Lashon, were very popular and went through many editions.

We also find Jewish hospitals as specific Jewish institutions beginning in

Germany in the thirteenth century. Through communal pressure, they became modernized in the eighteenth century. Often they were guided by a Brotherhood as well as the general community. It was felt necessary to have Jewish hospitals as their counterparts were specifically Christian rather than secular. Both the Brotherhoods and the Jewish hospitals could also be found in the Eastern European Jewish communities. Brotherhoods were present in communities both large and small in the last two centuries, while hospitals existed only in the large Jewish centers.

We may then see that there is a long history of continuous Jewish social

service through well organized groups which looked after the physical, spiritual and emotional needs of the members of the community during times of personal stress and crisis.

March

1974

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

NARR 32-33

CCAR RESPONSA

New American Reform Responsa

20. Hebrew Transliteratrions of Modern Jewish Melodies

QUESTION: Some individuals have objected to the use of transliterations with Hebrew melodies. It is commonly used and allows the text to match the musical notation. Should the melody simply be printed in reverse with the Hebrew text to avoid this problem? (Fran Aaronson, St. Louis MO)

ANSWER: I do not know why anyone would object to transliteration as it simply means using another set of letters to spell out the Hebrew words. It has been used since Hellenistic times in an effort to help those whose knowledge of Hebrew was limited.

The modern form of musical notation, in contrast to the cantillation marks, has been used by us only since the nineteenth century. This was part of the expansion of synagogue music beyond the chants and melodies of tradition. It was part of a revolution in synagogue music.

As music is universally written from left to right, it would be confusing to attempt to print it in reverse. There can be no objection to a transliteration especially when this deals with a practical issue and simplifies the use of Hebrew with musical notations. To the best of my knowledge transliterations are used with musical texts in Israel.

January 1991

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.

CARR 101-104

CCAR RESPONSA

Contemporary American Reform Responsa

63. Concealing Jewish

Identity*

QUESTION: Is it permissible to deny our identity as Jews if we

find ourselves in a life threatening situation caused by terrorists? This question has been prompted by the events surrounding the hijacking of the Achille Lauro by terrorists. What should we do if we find ourselves in such a situation? Should we instruct our children to conceal their Jewish identity under such circumstances? (Rabbi S. Priesand, Tinton Falls, NJ)

ANSWER: It is a clear statement of Jewish tradition that one must give up one’s

life rather than violate three prohibitions. They are idolatry, incest and killing another person (San. 60b ff; A. Z. 43b, 54a; Ket. 33b; Shab. 149a; Sefer Hazmitvot Lo Ta-aseh #2 ff, 10 and 14; Shulhan Arukh Yoreh Deah 157.1). Unfortunately, this question has arisen many times, and there is considerable literature on the subject. Frequently in the Middle Ages Jews were threatened with death unless they accepted Christianity or Islam. (A good summary of the literature is provided by H. J. Zimmel’s Die Marranen in der Rabbinischen Literatur). Many from the time of the Crusaders onward became martyrs under those circumstances. Others simulated an acceptance of Christianity or Islam while they privately remained Jews and escaped when that possibility arose (W. Jacob, “Status of Children,” American Reform Responsa, #145). Such individuals who publicly proclaimed another religion, but privately remained Jews, were to be considered Jews in most ways even though lehat-hilah, another course of action was mandated (Shulhan Arukh Yoreh Deah 119.12; Orah Hayim 128.37; Even Haezer 42.5). These were the decisions of the Shulhan Arukh Earlier opinions varied according to: (a) the danger presented by such apostasy to the Jewish community; (b) the conditions under which they returned to Judaism, as I have discussed in the responsum cited above.

Maimonides prohibited a feigned acceptance of another

religion in accordance with the Talmud; no Jew was to abandon his religion for another religion (Sefer Hamitzvot, Ta-aseh 9), as did Caro (Shulhan Arukh Yoreh Deah 157.1). The Shulhan Arukh had also stipulated very clearly that even at the risk of death, one can not declare, “I am not a Jew” (Yoreh Deah 157.2). The question of permitting apostasy was faced by Ephraim Oshry (Responsa Mema-amakim 13) and others during the Holocaust. And he answered it negatively, and stated that a Jew may not save himself through the purchase of a forged baptismal certificate, and thereby, try to join the partisans in the forest. However, there is also another line of thought which states that if the Jew is able to provide an ambiguous answer, which does not require an outright declaration that he is a Christian, such a declaration is considered acceptable (Isserles to Shulhan Arukh Yoreh Deah 157.2, in accord with Nimukei Yosef).

There were also instances, particularly in the

medieval period, in which Jews wore Christian garb to save themselves. The surrounding world considered them to be Christians, and asked no questions. This, too, won the approval of the Shulhan Arukh (Yoreh Deah 157.2), although Maimonides disagreed (Sefer Mitzvot- Lo Ta-aseh #30).

For Oshry during the Holocaust there was a difference

between following a path which had the appearance of permanently abandoning Judaism, like using a baptismal certificate which he prohibited, and on the other hand using a forged Christian passport, a temporary measure, which he permitted. Similarly, he allowed an individual with a non-Jewish name to enter the letters R. K. into a passport, which stood for Roman Catholic in German, to the Nazis, but could be interpreted differently by the Jewish bearer. A parallel decision was given by Hayim Shor (Torat Hayim #17) and Samuel Ungar (Mekadshei Hashem, p. 214; R. Kirschner, Anthology of Holocaust Responsa, pp. 97 ff). It is clear from these statements that these rabbis took a hard line with a baptismal certificate which seemed like an outright denial of Judaism, but were willing to go along with anything less.

Other authorities during the Holocaust, however, decided differently even on the

matter of baptismal certificates. They realized that (a) the Nazis were not interested in converting anyone to Christianity; (b) they made such conversions punishable by death; (c) they severely punished any Christian clergy involved in such an act of mercy. For these reasons the number of Batei Din in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary, as well as Lithuania, permitted such baptismal certificates to be held by Jews, and treated these Jews as any other member of the Jewish community despite protests within the community. Any other action seemed to play directly in the hands of the Nazis, and the rabbis certainly did not wish to do that (H. J. Zimmels, The Echo of the Nazi Holocaust in Rabbinic Literature, pp. 77 ff). Similarly, it was permitted for individuals to declare themselves Karaites as they were not considered Jews under various Nazi rulings (Ibid. 81 ff).

The main line of thought among both

Medieval and modern commentators prohibits an outright denial of Judaism, but permits an ambiguous statement which can be interpreted as a denial by the persecutor. It also permits a disguise which would not cause any questions to be asked.

The Medieval authorities

also distinguished types of persecution. If the persecutor wished to force Jews to accept another religion, then it was the duty of the Jew to resist even if it meant death. If, however, it was the intent of the persecutor merely to persecute the Jew and threaten him with death without any interest in turning him into an idol worshiper, then he could simulate idol worship in order to save his life (Azei Levonah Yoreh Deah 179; Turei Zahav Yoreh Deah 179; Shulhan ArukhYoreh Deah 157.1).

In the period of the Holocaust and the Expulsion from

Spain, the identification of Jews and their persecution was a matter of government policy. In 1492, the authorities demanded conversion to Christianity. During the Holocaust everyone of Jewish descent, even Christians, were to be slain. Those conditions were very different from a temporary act of terrorism.

Terrorists usually do not hold their hostages beyond a brief

specified period. Furthermore, such terrorists are not interested in bringing about a change in religion, but want to use Jewish hostages for whatever leverage can be exercised through them upon Israel. It is the duty of the remainder of the Jewish community to obtain the freedom of captives whenever this does not endanger the community itself (B. B. 8b;- Yad Hil. Matnat Aniyim 8.10; Shulhan Arukh Yoreh Deah 252). One great medieval hostage, Meir of Rothenburg, forbade payment of any ransom after he had been taken captive as he felt that this would hurt the community and set a bad precedent (Graetz, Geschichte der Juden Vol. VII, pp. 173 f; 423 f). In the case of modern hijacking by terrorists potential hostages can help Israel to avoid blackmail and guard themselves from additional danger by hiding their Jewish identity.

It would, therefore, be appropriate for children and adults, if taken

hostage by terrorists, to conceal their Jewish identity first through passive acts and then through any other way which is possible.

November 1985

If needed, please consult Abbreviations used in CCAR Responsa.